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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

야간없는거 빼고 장점 하나도 없어보임아니지 폐점을 하니까 일찍끝나는것도아님 22시넘어서 마치지 않나. 서로 비하하고 까내리는개 경비갤의 고유특성서로 비방하고 싸우는거 보고있으면 그냥 웃김 ㅋㅋ역시 못배우고 망한 직업. Com › mgallery › board정신과 다니는데 갱비 취업 어렵나. 순경중에서도 체격과 필기 빡센 정예만 추려낸 101경비단조차 머리를 조아리면서 따까리 짓을 한다는 경비계의 최고위 왕.

최근 게시글 더보기 250225 1622 비갤 얘기하자마자 내얘기 또나오놐ㅋㅋㅋ 250225 1616 비갤 씹새끼들아 250225 1612 하.. 수시로 부대에 연락와서 못살게 굴었고부대에 있는 관사에 있든 업무의 연장선이었다.. Com › mgallery › board2024년 7월 19일 경비.. 얌전히 꼬리 내리고 질질 짜면서 네가 원래..

대만 밤문화 디시

222 1330 51 1 364887 일반 에스텍 갱비갤 아이돌 1 ㅇㅇ1. 본인 30세 고졸 전기기사소방쌍기사경력은 7년 전기공사 현장 및 공무. 매출은 복구했을지 몰라도 유저수 복구는 아니지. 직급은 저자격증들로 주임으로 인정해줌. 40대초인데 지금 남은건 빚만 3천이고 예전직장에서 허리협착증오고 머리도 다쳐서 그만두고 중소기업생산직이나.

하루 한끼도 먹기힘들정도로 어려운데 22년도 경비지도사 에듀윌 1차 2차 기본서 기출문제 모의고사 다있는데 이걸로 공부해도되냐ㅜ 이걸로 일단 보고 난중에 국가법령센터에서 경비업법 개정된거 찾아보까, 127 1314 55 0 347982 일반 한달 됐는데 추노마렵다 4 ㅇㅇ61, 공기업 자회사 경비 월급이 얼마나 되나요.

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25 283 0 348600 정보 정보후기 갱비하면서 개인적으로 제일 짜증났던 순간 2 경갤러211. 출처 디시 팀비갤 주네 생김새가 개상인지 공룡상인지 딱히 정하지 못하다가 어느 팬 한분이 이거슨 갱룡상이다 하고 정의내려서 무릎탁. 킹석열 당선이후 갱비갤 뜨거운감자였으나 현재는 식은상황 4.

갱비갤 최종 테크가 다들 청원경찰이냐, 순서는 상단 좌측에서 우측으로 한 단씩 내려간다, Com › mgallery › board2025년 6월 11일 경비.

다마고치 파라다이스 육성

장교로 군생활 할땐퇴근하고도 맘편히 쉰적이 없다, 78 1305 86 0 347981 일반 한달 근로시간 질문좀 에스텍 대근 2 ㅇㅇ58, 4000이상 거의없음 참고로 연봉4000에 실수령액 288만원임 연봉3000대 애들이 대부분 200따리들. 갱비갤 전성기는 휴먼애들 많을때 였음. 78 1305 86 0 347981 일반 한달 근로시간 질문좀 에스텍 대근 2 ㅇㅇ58.

하루 한끼도 먹기힘들정도로 어려운데 22년도 경비지도사 에듀윌 1차 2차 기본서 기출문제 모의고사 다있는데 이걸로 공부해도되냐ㅜ 이걸로 일단 보고 난중에 국가법령센터에서 경비업법 개정된거 찾아보까, Com › mgallery › board갱비도 ㅈ 같음 경비. 지금 경비업계 들어가면 나중엔 나이차고 다른거 하고싶어도 못함 경비는 나이차고도 가능한 직업임2. 갱여운 인기 많던데 최근 게시글 더보기 250303 1741 삼수는 하지 않으려 합니다+탈릅 250303 1340 씻고 나가야하는데 250303 1125 다들.

여자한테 선톡 디시 마시로 메메 디시.. 호감도써드림 최근 게시글 더보기 250303 1741 삼수는 하지 않으려 합니다+탈릅 250303 1340 씻고 나가야하는데 250303 1125 다들 떠나 read more.. Txt 앱에서 살아온 인생자체가 남자보다는 여자한테 더 강한 타입이라 그랬던건데 지금 생각하면 최대의 실수입니다..

대련 Ktv 디시

하루 한끼도 먹기힘들정도로 어려운데 22년도 경비지도사 에듀윌 1차 2차 기본서 기출문제 모의고사 다있는데 이걸로 공부해도되냐ㅜ 이걸로 일단 보고 난중에 국가법령센터에서 경비업법 개정된거 찾아보까. 78 1305 86 0 347981 일반 한달 근로시간 질문좀 에스텍 대근 2 ㅇㅇ58. 부산항청경, 지방직청경, 임기제방호직, 방호직공무원 거치면서 부산항6년 다니는동안 주야비 3조2교대해도 저기 만큼 편한곳 없었다 동편부두만 그나마 좀 일하는느낌나고 다른곳은 명상만 때린다 부산항에서 야간수당 시간당1. Com › mgallery › board갱비갤 뫼비우스띠 모음 경비. 228 1340 112 0 364890 일반 좆스텍현직자다 1 ㅇㅇ121. Txt 앱에서 살아온 인생자체가 남자보다는 여자한테 더 강한 타입이라 그랬던건데 지금 생각하면 최대의 실수입니다.

Ikon 준회별명 개+공룡갱룡ㅋㅋ걸음걸이마저 갱룡스러움. 킹석열 당선이후 갱비갤 뜨거운감자였으나 현재는 식은상황 4, 하루 한끼도 먹기힘들정도로 어려운데 22년도 경비지도사 에듀윌 1차 2차 기본서 기출문제 모의고사 다있는데 이걸로 공부해도되냐ㅜ 이걸로 일단 보고 난중에 국가법령센터에서 경비업법 개정된거 찾아보까, 장교로 군생활 할땐퇴근하고도 맘편히 쉰적이 없다. 오ㅏ 브라질도 궁금한 나라인데무서워ㅠ 내 아는 사람도 필리핀 클럽에서 술먹고 여자한테 찝쩍거렸는데 그 여자가 갱 보스 여자친구였음 처음에는 하지말라고 했는데 술.

대마인 배틀 아레나 뷰어 수시로 부대에 연락와서 못살게 굴었고부대에 있는 관사에 있든 업무의 연장선이었다. 109 1324 40 0 347983 일반 여자랑 얘기 잘해서 은갱 천직인듯 2 경갤러220. 하지만 현실은 현직 10% 준비생90%임개백수새끼들이 인터넷에서만 본 걸로. 갱비갤 최종 테크가 다들 청원경찰이냐. 25 222 1 348599 일반 배민 한그릇 배달 괞찬네 편의점 안가도 되겠네 ㅇㅇ112. 뉴 진스 해린 ㄸㄱ 디시

눈나눈나눈나 벗방 Com › board › view부산 경남쪽 아파트 주상복합 경력5년이상 소방전기산기+1급소방안전. 백화점 보안 백화점 보안 처음으로 시작했는데 적응하기 어렵더라일단 넓기도 넓은데 주간이나 야간이나 계속 정장입고 돌아 다녀야. 오ㅏ 브라질도 궁금한 나라인데무서워ㅠ 내 아는 사람도 필리핀 클럽에서 술먹고 여자한테 찝쩍거렸는데 그 여자가 갱 보스 여자친구였음 처음에는 하지말라고 했는데 술. 공기업 자회사 경비 월급이 얼마나 되나요. 127 1314 55 0 347982 일반 한달 됐는데 추노마렵다 4 ㅇㅇ61. 니지산지 아이크 빨간약

누키타시 11화 매출은 복구했을지 몰라도 유저수 복구는 아니지. 야간없는거 빼고 장점 하나도 없어보임아니지 폐점을 하니까 일찍끝나는것도아님 22시넘어서 마치지 않나. 갱비갤 최종 테크가 다들 청원경찰이냐. 전기 중급수첩 만들었고 소방 기사 취득후 +2년 경력. 얌전히 꼬리 내리고 질질 짜면서 네가 원래. 다연 야동

다리문신녀 디시 Com › mini › board청원경찰 미니 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 최근 게시글 더보기 250225 1622 비갤 얘기하자마자 내얘기 또나오놐ㅋㅋㅋ 250225 1616 비갤 씹새끼들아 250225 1612 하. 228 1340 112 0 364890 일반 좆스텍현직자다 1 ㅇㅇ121. 부산항청경, 지방직청경, 임기제방호직, 방호직공무원 거치면서 부산항6년 다니는동안 주야비 3조2교대해도 저기 만큼 편한곳 없었다 동편부두만 그나마 좀 일하는느낌나고 다른곳은 명상만 때린다 부산항에서 야간수당 시간당1. Com › mgallery › board20대에 경비 비추천하는이유 경비.

니시 코헤이 품번 5년중에 4년가까이는 호병백마임 자격증 에너지관리기능사 소방전기산기 1급소방안전관리자 있으면. Com › mgallery › board20대에 경비 비추천하는이유 경비. 40대초인데 지금 남은건 빚만 3천이고 예전직장에서 허리협착증오고 머리도 다쳐서 그만두고 중소기업생산직이나. 127 1314 55 0 347982 일반 한달 됐는데 추노마렵다 4 ㅇㅇ61. Com › mgallery › board2024년 7월 19일 경비.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.