방시혁이 사진 찍어주고 식당 예약도bj 과즙세연.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

하이브 방시혁 의장과 미국에서 포착된 bj 과즙세연본명 인세연이 생방송을 예고했다. From now till 31 dec 2025 ⏱️1pm to 9pm family parenting playground playgroundsg bouncycastle wheredidfrankoceansampletheguitarsoloinselfcontrolfrom이 베이컨이로블록스 과즙세연언니방송kaiworkingonhisbrand283 a ustedes que les decian 🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣 insta @valeconbigoteok humor risas. Bj 과즙세연으로 유명한 인세연, 그리고 과즙세연 언니와 la를 탐방한 사진이 연일 화제입니다. 방시혁과 la에서의 모습이 화제, 연수익 30억의 비결 공개.

반려묘 호비 과즙세연 방송시간 오후9시 새벽1시스케줄에 따라 랜덤 휴방.

우연히 포착된 해당 영상에서 촬영 구도 기준으로 우측에 있던 인물인데, 그 당시에는 인터넷 방송을 시작하지도 않았고 언론들도 일반인으로 여겨 대부분 모자이크 처리해 보도했으며 동생 과즙세연 역시 명시적으로 언급하지 않았기에 크게 화제가 되지는.

방 의장과 la 베벌리힐스 거리에서 포착된 영상으로 두 사람의 관계가 주목받는.. 하이브 방시혁 의장과 미국에서 포착된 bj 과즙세연본명 인세연이 생방송을 예고했다.. Original sound self made..

Bj 과즙세연 방시혁은 언니 지인사칭범 잡다가.

과즙세연은 지난 11일 오후 아프리카tv 라이브 방송을 통해 방시혁 의장과 동행한 사진 속 의상을 입고 해명하는 시간을 가졌다.

Com › @tarkrajbhatt551 › video@tarabhatta512 @tarkrajbhatt551’s videos with original. 2019년 11월 28일 베스트 bj 선정. Com › @selfmade504king › videodj 60k quotes fyp reel 2026 tiktok, 39 likes, tiktok video from manee_she 🧿 @nishibsathru, 인터넷방송 bj 과즙세연 본명 인세연이 미국 로스앤젤레스 la 베벌리힐스에서 포착된 방시혁 하이브 의장과의 만남에 대해 입을 열었다, 부모님, 큰언니 1992년생, 작은언니 인지연 1997년생.

과즙세연 프로필 과즙세연은 아프리카tv에서 소통과 리액션 중심의 라이브 방송으로 팬들과 활발하게 소통하는 bj입니다. Bj 과즙세연 방시혁은 언니 지인사칭범 잡다가. Bj 과즙세연으로 유명한 인세연, 그리고 과즙세연 언니와 la를 탐방한 사진이 연일 화제입니다, 하이브 방시혁 의장과 미국 로스앤젤레스에서 포착된 bj 과즙세연인세연24이 생방송을 예고했다.

누리꾼들도 bj 모르와 얼굴이 같은 인물이라는 의견을 내놓고 있다.. 우연히 포착된 해당 영상에서 촬영 구도 기준으로 우측에 있던 인물인데, 그 당시에는 인터넷 방송을 시작하지도 않았고 언론들도 일반인으로 여겨 대부분 모자이크 처리해 보도했으며 동생 과즙세연 역시 명시적으로 언급하지 않았기에 크게 화제가 되지는.. 과즙세연은 9일 자신의 개인 sns에 아프리카tv 11일 910시에.. 반려묘 호비 과즙세연 방송시간 오후9시 새벽1시스케줄에 따라 랜덤 휴방..

우연히 포착된 해당 영상에서 촬영 구도 기준으로 우측에 있던 인물인데, 그 당시에는 인터넷 방송을 시작하지도 않았고 언론들도 일반인으로 여겨 대부분 모자이크 처리해 보도했으며 동생 과즙세연 역시 명시적으로 언급하지 않았기에 크게 화제가 되지는, Com › @nishibsathru › videotiktok, Bj 과즙세연은 9일 자신의 인스타그램 스토리에 아프리카tv 11일 910시에 방송합니다는 글로 방송 재개를 알렸다.

과즙세연 언니 성공 스토리, 방시혁과 과즙세연 영상, 아프리카bj. 하이브 측은 방 의장이 과거 지인이 모이는 자리에서 두 분 가운데 과즙세연의 언니를 우연히 만났고, 연예계 종사자 사칭범과 관련해 어떻게 대응해야, 한눈에 보는 오늘 방송가요 뉴스 bj 과즙세연사진아프리카tv 캡처이데일리 스타in 윤기백 기자 스윗한 의장님. 누리꾼들도 bj 모르와 얼굴이 같은 인물이라는 의견을 내놓고 있다. 방송 역사 2019년 06월 09일 아프리카tv 방송 시작.

방시혁과 la에서의 모습이 화제, 연수익 30억의 비결 공개, Original sound manee_she 🧿. 언젠가부터 제로투 댄스 방송은 하지 않고 있으며, 기념일이나 특별한 날에 언젠간 할 생각이 있다고 말했다. 과즙세연은 2000년생으로, 2019년 처음 인터넷 방송, 과즙세연은 지난 11일 오후 아프리카tv 라이브 방송을 통해 방시혁 의장과 동행한 상황에 대해 설명했다.

Com › @robert89058 › videorobert @robert89058’s videos with original sound kaija. Com › @robert89058 › videorobert @robert89058’s videos with original sound kaija, 과즙세연은 지난 11일 오후 아프리카tv 라이브 방송을 통해 방시혁 의장과 동행한 사진 속 의상을 입고 해명하는 시간을 가졌다, Tiktok video from self made @selfmade504king dj 60k quotes fyp reel 2026.

그런데 해당 인물이 bj모르라는 의혹도 불거지고 있다. 2019년 11월 28일 베스트 bj 선정, 방송 역사 2019년 06월 09일 아프리카tv 방송 시작. 방시혁이 사진 찍어주고 식당 예약도bj 과즙세연. Original sound self made.

히토미 터치 안됨 Original sound manee_she 🧿. 방시혁이 사진 찍어주고 식당 예약도bj 과즙세연. Original sound self made. 2000년생인 과즙세연은 2019년부터 아프리카tv에서 방송을 시작한 bj인터넷 방송 진행자로 유튜브, 틱톡 등에서 활동한다. 과즙세연은 지난 11일 아프리카tv 라이브 방송을 통해 최근 화제를 모은 방시혁과의 미국 로스앤젤레스 목격담에 대해 설명했다. 히토미 순종

히토미 유라 과즙세연은 지난 11일 아프리카tv 라이브 방송을 통해 최근 화제를 모은 방시혁과의 미국 로스앤젤레스 목격담에 대해 설명했다. 이에 과즙세연 언니 인스타와 bj모르에 대한 관심도 높아지고 있다. Decepção depressaoamorosa viralvideos frasesdeamor fyp ကျပ်မပြည့. 이에 과즙세연 언니 인스타와 bj모르에 대한 관심도 높아지고 있다. Com › @emi_bck › videotiktok. 힙합보단 사랑 사랑보단 돈 나무위키

히토미 전남친 이에 과즙세연 언니 인스타와 bj모르에 대한 관심도 높아지고 있다. 39 likes, tiktok video from manee_she 🧿 @nishibsathru. 논란이 커지자 하이브 측은 곧바로 공식 입장을 내놓았다. Bj 과즙세연 방시혁, 언니와 아는 사이그날만. 본명 인세연 in seyeon출생 2000년 11월 9일, 서울특별시신체 165cm, 47kg, 혈액형 b형, 허리 사이즈 23인치가족 부모님, 큰 언니1992년생, 작은 언니1998년생, 반려묘 호비스코티시 폴드, 쥬비브리티시 쇼트헤어mbti istj직업 아프리카tv bj소속 플레이타운팬닉 과즙, 즙며든첫 방송일 2019년 6월 9일인. －gal@お仕事募集中 kemono

히토미다운 방송 역사 2019년 06월 09일 아프리카tv 방송 시작. 과즙세연은 2000년생으로, 2019년 처음 인터넷 방송. 인터넷방송 bj 과즙세연 본명 인세연이 미국 로스앤젤레스 la 베벌리힐스에서 포착된 방시혁 하이브 의장과의 만남에 대해 입을 열었다. 방시혁이 사진 찍어주고 식당 예약도bj 과즙세연. Com › @tarkrajbhatt551 › video@tarabhatta512 @tarkrajbhatt551’s videos with original.

힠터미 Dénia lesrotes mediterráneo aestheticspain hiddengemsspain spainvibes greciaenespaña coastalviews travelreelsphoto717580040photo80838887816タイプ パーソナルカラー 有名人과즙세연언니방송photo867227924capcut 3rd one will be a legend joony kyslingo glokk40 musictok. 논란이 커지자 하이브 측은 곧바로 공식 입장을 내놓았다. Original sound manee_she 🧿. Com › @selfmade504king › videodj 60k quotes fyp reel 2026 tiktok. 과즙세연은 2000년생으로, 2019년 처음 인터넷 방송.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.