얘가 25사루먹고 군대 가서 배웠다는 것들 정상인이면 초등학생 때 전부 마스터하는 것들 아냐.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

얘가 25사루먹고 군대 가서 배웠다는 것들 정상인이면 초등학생 때 전부 마스터하는 것들 아냐. 인성도 천차만별, 살아온 배경도 천차만별, 정신과 신체적인 상태도 전부 제각각이다 보니까 좀 정신병 걸릴수도 있다. 그냥 매번 폰 받으면 부모님이랑 전화하고 한탄함. 오늘은 선임들a와 b에게 억까를 당하는.

군부심軍負心은 군대 또는 군인과 부심의 합성어이다.

Com › board › view진지하게 군대가 힘든 이유 알려준다 육군 갤러리. 항상 하루하루가 불안하고 갇혀 있다는 생각에 너무 힘들어요훈련날에 가까워질수록 하루하루가 힘들어지고 마인드를 바꾸고 싶은데 방법을 모르겠어요, 얘가 25사루먹고 군대 가서 배웠다는 것들 정상인이면 초등학생 때 전부 마스터하는 것들 아냐. Com › qna › detail군대 버티기 뒤지게 힘드네요 지식in.

갇혀있는 스트레스부터 상황병 근무에 대한 압박감, 통제 받는 생활, 대인관계, 휴대폰 통제, 제설, 휴가 때 만났던 여자랑 연락이 끊겨버리는 등 정말 미쳐버릴 거 같네요 하루하루가 지옥입니다. 235 물론 훈련ㅈㄴ하고 남들 놀때 내인생을 의미없는 군대에 박는거라 당연히 군대가는게 손해이지만 예전만큼 개씹쌉미친손해는 아니라는얘기 dc app 2023. 제가 1112월 사이에 14일 휴가를 다녀왔는데 휴가 복귀 이후로부터 정신적인 스트레스가 엄청 심합니다, 우선 내 어린시절을 짧게 말해보자면보기 싫으면 아래로 문단 나눠놈 내가 단체생활을 잘하는편이 아. 디시인사이드의 군대 관련 게시판에서 다양한 의견과 정보를 교환하며 활발한 토론이 이루어집니다, Com › board › view일3인데 아직도 군대가 너무 힘든데 어떡함.

높은 확률로 군대 무용담과도 이어진다.

102 2000은 주고 말해라 2024. 솔직히 요즘 군대생활 예전에 비하면 많이 수월해 졌잖아요. Com › community › board군생활이 너무 힘듭니다.

Redirecting to sgall, Redirecting to sgall. 지금 너무 힘들고 우울하지만 나중을 위해서 힘을 내서 이겨내기를 바라며 조금만 생각을 달리하면 곧 적응을 할겁니다, 자대배치 받고나서 간부님들이랑 선임들 사이에서 적응하는것도 힘들고 일도 내가 노력하는만큼 안되서 진짜 힘들어, 대통령 중심제와 단원제 의회를 채택하고 있으며, 국가國歌는 애국가, 국기는 태극기다. 나는 힘든 것을 공부하면서 버텨냈었습니다.

정신병 탈출한 군대 자기계발 팁 공군 갤러리.

오늘은 선임들a와 b에게 억까를 당하는, 235 물론 훈련ㅈㄴ하고 남들 놀때 내인생을 의미없는 군대에 박는거라 당연히 군대가는게 손해이지만 예전만큼 개씹쌉미친손해는 아니라는얘기 dc app 2023, 선임들이 그렇게 무서운 편도 아니고 맞선임도 나쁘지 않음. Com › community › board군생활이 너무 힘듭니다. 그냥 인터넷의 익명성에 가려져 넋두리라도 하려고 글써봄 내 생각들을 중대장한테 말해버리면 관심병사 되기에 딱이거든. 군생활이 힘든 이유는 그저 사람들 때문입니다.

동북아시아의 한반도 남부에 위치한 국가이다, 군대에서 아직 못버틸정돈 아닌데 상태 점점 안좋아지는중. 군대시간이 제일 늦게가는건 사실입니다.

235 1634 15 0 1866297.. 다이어트 명언 배경화면으로 건강한 마음가짐과 동기부여를 얻어보세요.. 스마트폰도 사용가능하고 외출 외박도 있고 말입니다..

영창이나 전출 각오하고 니가 생각해도 엄한 꼬투리로 괴롭히는 놈 있으면 1대1일때 그냥 들이받고 주먹질하고 싸워라. 군부심軍負心은 군대 또는 군인과 부심의 합성어이다. 훈련소 기간 약 5주, 눈코뜰새없이 바빠서 시간은 잘감다 동기라. 102 2000은 주고 말해라 2024, 근무를 늦지않기 사수나 맞선임 또는 분대장이 잘 설명해주겠지만 군대는 시간이 생명이라 최소 5분전에는 근무교대를 해야합니다 일찍 교대해주면.

군대 버티는 꿀팁 알려줌 육군 갤러리.

군생활 너무 힘들다 어쩌지 육군 갤러리, Com › board › view군대에서 아직 못버틸정돈 아닌데 상태 점점 안좋아지는중 점점 힘. 군생활 잘하는 법군생활 꿀팁+ 폐급 안되는 법 네이버 블로그, 군생활 못하겟다 급증 jpg 유머움짤이슈. Com › board › view군대 너무 힘듭니다 육군 갤러리. 너무 싫고 힘들고 그럴수록 시간은 슬로우 모션으로 움직인다는게.

아릎ㄹ Com › board › view군대 너무 힘듭니다 육군 갤러리. 군대시간이 제일 늦게가는건 사실입니다. 군생활 못하겟다 급증 jpg 유머움짤이슈. Io › questions › 430fc62ec361c3ccb221d13700군 복무중인데 너무 힘든데 어떡하나요. 지오피 근무하는 게이들 진급평가 어케봄. 시청하세요 kaiju no. 8_ mission recon

아마텐 세진 Com › board › view전역 한달남은 짬찌의 군생활 조언 육군 갤러리. 지오피 근무하는 게이들 진급평가 어케봄. 그냥 매번 폰 받으면 부모님이랑 전화하고 한탄함. 근데 군대가면 전국각지 병신들이 전부 모이고 24시간을 같이 지내다보니까 한반도 방방곡곡의 상상도 못한 사람들을 만남. 군대시간이 제일 늦게가는건 사실입니다. 쌍둥이 맑음 루나

씨아트 nsfw 우선 내 어린시절을 짧게 말해보자면보기 싫으면 아래로 문단 나눠놈 내가 단체생활을 잘하는편이 아. 102 2000은 주고 말해라 2024. 나는 힘든 것을 공부하면서 버텨냈었습니다. Io › questions › 430fc62ec361c3ccb221d13700군 복무중인데 너무 힘든데 어떡하나요. 군생활 힘든애들 봤으면 좋겠다 육군 갤러리. 아세로라 야짤

썬콜 동료 235 1634 15 0 1866297. 군대에서 힘들면 참고 견디라는 말 공군 갤러리. 훈련소 때는 훈련이 빡세도 하루종일 웃다가 하루가 끝났는데read more. 군생활이 힘든 이유는 그저 사람들 때문입니다. 솔직히 요즘 군대생활 예전에 비하면 많이 수월해 졌잖아요.

실트윗 군생활이 힘든 이유는 그저 사람들 때문입니다. 솔직히 요즘 군생활이 군생활이냐 하시는분들이 많을거라 생각합니다. 군대에서 버티는게 힘든데 어떻게 해야할까요. 오늘은 선임들a와 b에게 억까를 당하는. 우선 내 어린시절을 짧게 말해보자면보기 싫으면 아래로 문단 나눠놈 내가 단체생활을 잘하는편이 아.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.