난 33살 생일날 처음으로 부모님에게 낳아주셔서 감사합니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

결혼시집친정 댓글부탁해 고등학생입니다. 부모님은 우리 삶의 가장큰 버팀목이자 든든한 지원군입니다. 그리고 ‘낳아주신거 별로 안 감사하다’ 이렇게 어버이날 카드에 쓰면 안되니까. 그 모든 희생을 감수하고, 나의 필요와.

요즘 다양한 방향으로 내 마음속 울분이 아직 가득 있다는 걸 깨우치고 있다.

129 Likes, 12 Comments Yiseo_han123 On Febru 아침에 울 엄마 생일상💟 엄마밥이 최고야👍 내 최고의 생일 선물😍🎂 한이서 낳아주셔서 감사합니다 사랑합니다😍😍.

어버이날을 맞이한 오늘8일 부모님에게 감사 인사를 전하기 위해 어버이날 문구를 고심하는 자녀들이 많다.. 어, 문법적으로 맞고 엄마한테 하기 좋은 말인데..

물론 일부는 이해감 누가봐도 좋은 인생을 사는사람들은 낳아줘서 고맙다는 소리 절로 나올것같긴해 근데 나도 가난한 편아니고 평범 집안에 속하는 편인데 어릴때는 공부, 학교땜에 힘들고 지금은 또 돈 벌어야되니까 취준하고 걍 인생이 좀 행복하진 않아 어렸을때도 그렇고 지금도 그렇고.

낳아주셔서 감사해요 라는 말이 가정의 진정한 의미인듯 감사함이 없는세상은 지옥 그 자체네요.

간단한 문자 문구부터 알려드릴께요 1. Mom, thank you for giving birth to me, 진짜 한심한 원리 라고 생각해요 낳아주고 길러줬으니 감사하라, 효도하라. 박해인 작가님 덕분에 나도 부모님께 드리는 77가지 감사의 편지를 적어본다.

그걸 왜 아이가 감사해야 하는지 모르겠고 키워준 것도, 남녀 둘이 좋아서 관계맺고 좋아서 아기 가져 낳은거잖아요. 부모님이 저를 낳아주셔서 감사합니다 대승불교 마이너. 그냥 안 낳아주고 나라는 자체가 없어졌으면 좋겠는데, 모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성자원장선생님작성시간17.

스즈네 마유 낳아주시고 길러주신 은혜,헌신적인 사랑과 희생은말로 다 표현할 수 없을 만큼크고 깊습니다. 그리고 ‘낳아주신거 별로 안 감사하다’ 이렇게 어버이날 카드에 쓰면 안되니까. 모난 데가 없이 조화롭게 태어나게 해주셔서 감사합니다. 혼자 전국일주 중인 나생일인데 고기가 먹고 싶었던 나첫번째 고기집에서 혼자라서 거절당했던 나두번째 고기집에서 혼자라서 거절당해서 3인분 먹겠다고 당당하게. 쑥스러운 마음에 자주 표현하진 못하지만 감사하고 사랑합니다. 시드미 냥코

스튜디오 샤 투투 디시 부모님은 사과 수확에 바빠 혼자서 언니네에 갔다. 낳아주시고 힘들게 키워주셔서 너무 감사합니다라는 기본적인 문구도 좋지만, 쑥스러운 마음에 표현하지 못했지만 항상 감사하고 사랑합니다처럼 평소. Net › gureumchae › lw5k엄마 아빠 낳아주셔서 감사합니다 행사사진 구름채어린이집. Com › segyehaccp › 223849608445어머니. Net › name › 59005878잡담 낳아주셔서 감사합니다 라고 하는거 이해안감 인스티즈 ins. 시노부 똥방귀

시디돔도도 라는 말이 그렇게 단단하고 아름다울 줄 몰랐다. 물론 윤회 사상을 인정하는 힌두교나 불교 혹은 메이지 유신으로 오염되기 이전의 전통 신토와 같은 경우도 있다. 129 likes, 12 comments yiseo_han123 on febru 아침에 울 엄마 생일상💟 엄마밥이 최고야👍 내 최고의 생일 선물😍🎂 한이서 낳아주셔서 감사합니다 사랑합니다😍😍. 190 그니까 본인도 체력 인성 커리어 재산 기본 이상되는 사람만 낳으세요. 저는 여자친구와 연애한지 7년이 되었습니다 오래 만났지만이렇게 성격좋고착한 여자가 또 있을까 싶고 여자친구와 같이 있을때만큼 편한 시간이 없습니다 정말 이렇게 read more. 시나즈가와 가족

숲 엘 유출 여기 진심이 담긴 10가지 문구를 준비했어요. 부모가 낳아줘서 고마워하라고 자식에게 말하는 것 자체. Fc2ppv1855975 가출중인 10대 현역생. 45 그런데 어느 부모라도 자식이 낳아 주셔서 감사해요. 박해인 작가님 덕분에 나도 부모님께 드리는 77가지 감사의 편지를 적어본다.

스 푸닝 세미 왼손 디시 45 그런데 어느 부모라도 자식이 낳아 주셔서 감사해요. 어린이집 다니는 둘째 조카를 잠깐 봐주기 위해서였다. Com › 5880704781낳아주셔서 감사합니다 유머움짤이슈 에펨코리아. 앞으로 효도 많이하는 좋은 딸이 되겠습니다. Kr › @kisc0221 › 53부모의 최고 업적은 낳아주셔서 감사합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.