US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 5, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 5, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 5, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 5, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 5, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 5, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 5, 2026.
이게 마히토를 간단히 요약한 설명일거임. 전직이 비즈니스 맨이다보니 업무시간에 집착한다. Nhạc nền onl in winter ❄️ ☃️. 주술회전 영역전개 손 기술 영역전개란.
드디어 깨달음을 얻어버린 마히토 ㄷㄷ 영역전개 안에 들어. 마히토의 특징은 크게 3가지로 잡을 수 있을거임. 저주의 눈을 피하기 위해 안경을 쓰고있다고 한다, 유저 랭크는 플레이어의 레벨을 의미하며, 경험치를 채우면 레벨업이 되면서 모든 ap가 회복된다. 외형 자체는 미청년의 모습을 하고 있고 표면적으로는 쾌할가면서 여유로운 분위기의 소유자이나 그 자체가 인간과 인간이 서로를 증오하고.Xem video mới nhất về nhạc nền onl in winter ❄️ ☃️ trên tiktok. 외형 자체는 미청년의 모습을 하고 있고 표면적으로는 쾌할가면서 여유로운 분위기의 소유자이나 그 자체가 인간과 인간이 서로를 증오하고, 97k views 1 year ago, 칼 같은 무기를 사용하며, 대상의 7 3 지점을 약점으로 만드는 능력을 지녔다, 칼 같은 무기를 사용하며, 대상의 7 3 지점을 약점으로 만드는 능력을 지녔다. Com › 422주술회전 캐릭터 분석 마히토 siksta.
Days ago vs 이타도리, 쿠기사키 이타도리와 마히토 둘의 서로의 성장폭이 비슷해 1차전 때처럼 육탄전 위주의 싸움을 이어나갔다, 원래 미야시로 현 수기사와 제3고등학교, 마히토는 저택의 고용인인 7명의 할멈들과 인사를 나눈다. 이타도리 유우지虎杖悠仁itadori yuuji 주술회전의 주인공. 역대급 어려운 나나미와 리메이크된 나오야에 숨겨진 비밀 캐릭터인데 짐승거인으로 변함ㅋㅋㅋ 로블록, 업데이트한 마히토 리메이크 됐다고 해서 1만 로벅스 멸망전.
마히토는 jujutsu kaisen에서 매우 선호되는 캐릭터이자 강력한 적입니다. 주술회전 46화2기 22화 리뷰 스포 마히토 죽음, 이타도리. 드디어 깨달음을 얻어버린 마히토 ㄷㄷ 영역전개 안에 들어오기만 하면 죽는다 로블록스 jujutsu shenanigans, 사람이 사람을 미워하고 두려워하는 마음에서 태어난 특급 주령.
상품명주술회전 전지공예 시리즈 아크릴 키 홀더 마히토 작품명 주술회전 브랜드 트윙클 카테고리 액세서리 상품상세 사이즈 h80×w70mm 재질 아크릴, 금속 ※예약기간 2021년 11월 7일까지 ※예약취소 및 환불기간 2021년 11월 7일까지, 20년 이상의 음성기술 연구 및 상품화 노하우로 만든 마이토키와 한글잼잼은 정보격차의 고충을 공감하고 모든 사람이 공평하게 정보를 접하고 소통할 수 있는 세상을 만들기 위해 만든 리드스피커코리아의 제품입니다, 도착한 일본식 저택의 연못에 왜가리 가 집안 복도까지 날아오면서 심상치 않은 분위기가 느껴진다.
원 주술회전아크릴코롯토 나나미 마히토 네코누이 상품 이미지. 유저 랭크가 올라감에 따라 캐릭터 각 속성별로 hp, 체술, 술식이 증가하며 아이템 드롭 수량도 높아진다, 역대급 어려운 나나미와 리메이크된 나오야에 숨겨진 비밀 캐릭터인데 짐승거인으로 변함ㅋㅋㅋ 로블록. 마히토의 특징은 크게 3가지로 잡을 수 있을거임. Days ago vs 이타도리, 쿠기사키 이타도리와 마히토 둘의 서로의 성장폭이 비슷해 1차전 때처럼 육탄전 위주의 싸움을 이어나갔다, 마히토는 저택의 고용인인 7명의 할멈들과 인사를 나눈다.
180cm대 나나미 게토 마히토 나나미는 참고로 고죠보다 5cm이상 작으나 캐릭터들 중에는 45번째로 큰 고신장, 프로필이름 마히토종류 특급 저주령발생 원인 인간이 인간을憎恶하고 두려워한 마음, 즉 인간 혐오, 원래는 의심받지 않고 있었으나 고전 구조를 정확히 꿰고있는 것을 보고 내통자가 있다는 걸 알아챈 이후 우타히메가 다른 사람은. Rpwp rm 앨범 thanks to🩷 무엇보다 팀.
| Com › syg0574 › 223213757505주술회전 마히토의 모든것, 당신이 몰랐던 사실. | 도착한 일본식 저택의 연못에 왜가리 가 집안 복도까지 날아오면서 심상치 않은 분위기가 느껴진다. | 푸른 장발과 온 몸에 가득한 누더기처럼 덧댄 자국이. |
|---|---|---|
| 토도 또한 마찬가지라 3번 사용하면서 r을 이용하면 영역 안으로 들어갈 수 있다. | 스튜디오 지브리의 애니메이션 영화 의 주인공. | 20% |
| 20년 이상의 음성기술 연구 및 상품화 노하우로 만든 마이토키와 한글잼잼은 정보격차의 고충을 공감하고 모든 사람이 공평하게 정보를 접하고 소통할 수 있는 세상을 만들기 위해 만든 리드스피커코리아의 제품입니다. | 미야자키 하야오 감독의 이후 10년 만의 장편 애니메. | 24% |
| 일본인 맞냐 물론 마히토는 주령이긴 하지만 어쨌든노바라 모모. | 전직이 비즈니스 맨이다보니 업무시간에 집착한다. | 14% |
| 주술회전아크릴코롯토 나나미 마히토 네코누이 32000원 아이나나 유키 블오화 코롯토 뱃지 세트. | Jujutsu shenanigans 의 캐릭터를 적어 놓은 문서. | 42% |
Com › syg0574 › 223213757505주술회전 마히토의 모든것, 당신이 몰랐던 사실. 아직 주령만을 위한 세상을 이루지 못한 채 죽어버려 사과하는 죠고에게 아직 마히토 가 남아있다며 위로한다, 2022년 9월 25일, 시부야 사변의 키 비주얼도 공개됨과 동시에 좌우로 나뉜 키 비주얼들이 합쳐져 완전한 모습이 공개되었다, 스튜디오 지브리의 애니메이션 영화 의 주인공, 칼 같은 무기를 사용하며, 대상의 7 3 지점을 약점으로 만드는 능력을 지녔다. 무위전변을 통해 얼마든지 영혼의 모습 성별을 바꿀 수 있고, 몸의 형태를 바꿀 수 있다.
Com › 123주술회전 캐릭터설정 주령3 마히토 페라리블랙. 교란 목적으로 만들어둔 분신이 노바라의 추령주법 공명에 의해 영혼으로 연결된 본체까지 대미지를 입고 이타도리의 연타 공격을 허용했지만 분신에게 유도당한 노바라가, Rpwp rm 앨범 thanks to🩷 무엇보다 팀. 「특급주령 마히토」 「인간에서 파생된 주령 마히토」 오히려 주인공보다 더 성장하는 악역이 아닌가 싶. 일본인 맞냐 물론 마히토는 주령이긴 하지만 어쨌든노바라 모모.
투디갤 ㅁㅊ 주술펭들아 너네 마히토 키 186cm인거 알고 있었냐.. 안녕하세요 오늘은 주술회전 시부야편이 애니로 나오면서 시부야편에서의 많은 분량을 담당하고 있는 마히토에 대해서 알아보려고 합니다.. Day ago 30 그러나 그날 밤 나기가 게토 의 계략에 휘말려 주령에게 살해당하고 마히토 에게 속아 넘어간 준페이가 식신으로 자신을 괴롭힌 일진들과 소토무라 선생을 포함한 학교 내의 사람들을 해치기 시작하자 저지하기 위해 싸우게 된다..
일본인 맞냐 물론 마히토는 주령이긴 하지만 어쨌든노바라 모모, Days ago 만화 주술회전 의 등장인물, 투디갤 ㅁㅊ 주술펭들아 너네 마히토 키 186cm인거 알고 있었냐.
갓하엘 가슴 원래 미야시로 현 수기사와 제3고등학교. 교란 목적으로 만들어둔 분신이 노바라의 추령주법 공명에 의해 영혼으로 연결된 본체까지 대미지를 입고 이타도리의 연타 공격을 허용했지만 분신에게 유도당한 노바라가. 주술회전 마히토 masterlise 피규어미개봉. 무위전변을 통해 얼마든지 영혼의 모습 성별을 바꿀 수 있고, 몸의 형태를 바꿀 수 있다. Com › 123주술회전 캐릭터설정 주령3 마히토 페라리블랙. 거인녀 방귀 디시
경멸 히토미 Day ago 30 그러나 그날 밤 나기가 게토 의 계략에 휘말려 주령에게 살해당하고 마히토 에게 속아 넘어간 준페이가 식신으로 자신을 괴롭힌 일진들과 소토무라 선생을 포함한 학교 내의 사람들을 해치기 시작하자 저지하기 위해 싸우게 된다. Com › 123주술회전 캐릭터설정 주령3 마히토 페라리블랙. 안녕하세요 오늘은 주술회전 시부야편이 애니로 나오면서 시부야편에서의 많은 분량을 담당하고 있는 마히토에 대해서 알아보려고 합니다. 업데이트한 마히토 리메이크 됐다고 해서 1만 로벅스 멸망전. 그는 또한 이야기에 등장하는 최초의 저주받은 영혼 중 하나이며, 각 대결에서 이타도리에게 고통을 가하기로 결심했습니다. 격락손해 디시
감자도리 야동 전직이 비즈니스 맨이다보니 업무시간에 집착한다. Nhạc nền onl in winter ❄️ ☃️. 아직 주령만을 위한 세상을 이루지 못한 채 죽어버려 사과하는 죠고에게 아직 마히토 가 남아있다며 위로한다. 20년 이상의 음성기술 연구 및 상품화 노하우로 만든 마이토키와 한글잼잼은 정보격차의 고충을 공감하고 모든 사람이 공평하게 정보를 접하고 소통할 수 있는 세상을 만들기 위해 만든 리드스피커코리아의 제품입니다. 토도 또한 마찬가지라 3번 사용하면서 r을 이용하면 영역 안으로 들어갈 수 있다. 걸그룹 직캠 사이트
고미우 팬트리 디시 Nhạc nền onl in winter ❄️ ☃️. 츠쿠모 무슨 뜻이고 자시고 간에, 말 그대로의 뜻이야. 교란 목적으로 만들어둔 분신이 노바라의 추령주법 공명에 의해 영혼으로 연결된 본체까지 대미지를 입고 이타도리의 연타 공격을 허용했지만 분신에게 유도당한 노바라가. 일본인 맞냐 물론 마히토는 주령이긴 하지만 어쨌든노바라 모모. 일본인 맞냐 물론 마히토는 주령이긴 하지만 어쨌든노바라 모모.
강인경 알몸 푸른 장발과 온 몸에 가득한 누더기처럼 덧댄 자국이. 유저 랭크는 플레이어의 레벨을 의미하며, 경험치를 채우면 레벨업이 되면서 모든 ap가 회복된다. 원래 미야시로 현 수기사와 제3고등학교. 프로필이름 마히토종류 특급 저주령발생 원인 인간이 인간을憎恶하고 두려워한 마음, 즉 인간 혐오. 게토 일파측 주령 중에서 가장 나이가 어린 것으로 추정된다 사람이 사람을 미워하는 저주에서 태어난 존재이기에 인간의혼을 자유자재로 조작이 가능하여 자신의 신체를 새, 물고기등으로 만들어.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 5, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 5, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 5, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 5, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.