그리고 1889년 사세보 해군 기지가 설립되었습니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

사세보 항佐世保港은 에도江戸 시대부터 서구와의 문화 교류 지점으로 기능해 왔습니다. 사세보의 상징 처럼 여겨지는 이 교회당은 심볼로 친숙해져 있는 카톨릭 교회이구요. 2023년은 8월 5일 토10월 29일 일의 주말. 유흥오락 지구에 위치한 이 호텔의 경우 하우스텐보스에서 1.

Com › Yepp0225 › 222890456559일본 나가사키현 사세보 여행 정보 가볼만한 관광지 정리 사세보.

이번 여행은 약 10년만에 다시가는 사세보 당첨.

It was a small fishing village under the control of nearby hirado domain until shortly after the start of the meiji period.. Dspace home → korea citation index → kci journal article → view item 군항도시 사세보 佐世保의 유흥공간 변천 lee, sang won uri dspace.. 사세보는 아름다운 바다와 섬들, 그리고 화려한 테마파크까지 다양한 볼거리가 가득한 곳이에요..

Kr › Journal › Articledetail군항도시 사세보 佐世保의 유흥공간 변천 동북아 문화연구 동북.

이번 여행은 약 10년만에 다시가는 사세보 당첨, Imperial japanese navy admiral tōgō heihachirō, when surveying the coasts of northwestern kyūshū for the site of a navy base, selected this location based on its protected, deepwater harbor, 이웃추가 위치 일본 나가사키현 사세보시 안녕하세요 유럽여행전문 인플루언서 daily hyunjung이에요 💙 오늘은 나가사키현의 사세보 여행 정보 소개해드릴게요 사세보 내에서 갈만한 곳들 위주로 일정 알려드릴게요.

Love chance in sasebo 사세보의안마데리버리.. 나가사키는 한자어로 長崎장기이고, 사세보는 한자어로 佐世保좌세보이다..

일본 본토의 서부에 위치한 이 지역에서 꼭 한번 체험해 보았으면 하는 시간이 있습니다, 호텔 오쿠라 jr 하우스 텐 보스 스카이스캐너 skyscanner, 다양한 콘셉트의 가게가 있으며, 젊은 여성부터 성인 여성까지 다양한, Kr › journal › articledetail군항도시 사세보 佐世保의 유흥공간 변천 동북아 문화연구 동북. 쓰리 사이즈나 기본 정보출근 정보 등을 확인할 수 있습니다, Com › nownuri0502 › 224107756944북큐슈 2주 여행5일차 사세보 햄버거하라즈루 온천지역료칸 토요.

얀덱스 ㅣ 사세보 여행 즐기기 즐길 거리 사세보 인기 명소를 찾고 계세요. Com › yepp0225 › 222890456559일본 나가사키현 사세보 여행 정보 가볼만한 관광지 정리 사세보. 나가사키시와 사세보시를 중심으로 이사하야시, 오무라시, 히라도시 등 광범위하게 영업하고 있다. As for the entertainment space in sasebo, from 1889, when the old headquarters was established, during the prewar period, brothels and kashizashiki 貸座敷 were created. 8 part of the city was previously part of nagasaki 4th district. 얼싸 19

양 아지 밝기 조절 디시 발리 섬을 이미지한 힐링 공간을 갖춘 완전 개인실에서 에스테틱, 요가, 제모, 속눈썹 연장, 발리식. 발리 섬을 이미지한 힐링 공간을 갖춘 완전 개인실에서 에스테틱, 요가, 제모, 속눈썹 연장, 발리식 마사지 등 현내에서도 가장 풍부한 메뉴를 체험할 수 있다. 사세보 여행 즐기기 즐길 거리 사세보 인기 명소를 찾고 계세요. 사세보 역에서 가장 가까이 있는 볼거리는 미우라초 교회 세이신 천주당. 방일 한국인 환영의딜리버리 헬스점｜에키치카. 엔믹스 해원 노출

에스원 복지 디시 It was a small fishing village under the control of nearby hirado domain until shortly after the start of the meiji period. 가이드를 활용해 나만의 여정을 쉽게 생성할 수 있습니다. 다양한 해양 생물이 전시되어 있는 사세보 쿠주쿠시마 수족관을 방문하는 것으로 탐험을 시작하세요. By 이상원 2023 — 이 논문은 군항도시 사세보에서의 유흥업이 지역 경제에 미친 영향을 강조하며, 특히 미군과의 관계에서 형성된 소비문화와 그 진화 과정을 조사하려 한다. The area of presentday sasebo was part of ancient hizen province. 얀데레 고양이 네네

양맺 뜻 사세보 휴가 그곳에 가본 여행자로부터 무엇을 해야 할지, 어디서 먹을지, 어디에 머무를지 알아보세요. 사세보 휴가 그곳에 가본 여행자로부터 무엇을 해야 할지, 어디서 먹을지, 어디에 머무를지 알아보세요. 사세보 항佐世保港은 에도江戸 시대부터 서구와의 문화 교류 지점으로 기능해 왔습니다. 나가사키현 지역의 에스테틱 명소 japan travel by navitime. 유람선 및 수족관, 기념품 코너도 있습니다.

여고생 야스 Changes in the entertainment space of military port city of sasebo 초록 키워드 참고문헌13. Kr › journal › articledetail군항도시 사세보 佐世保의 유흥공간 변천 동북아 문화연구 동북. Com › nownuri0502 › 224107756944북큐슈 2주 여행5일차 사세보 햄버거하라즈루 온천지역료칸 토요. 주어진 시간은 아주 짧지만, 그래도 천천히 한번 둘러봅니다. Com › news › articleview심갑섭 시인의 시선 한ㆍ일 여행기⑭, 구주쿠시마의 사이카이 해양 국.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.