Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Org › wiki › 아틀레틱_빌바오아틀레틱 빌바오 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 카탈루냐 주의회 의원과 제38대 fc 바르셀로나 회장을 역임했다. 아틀레틱 클루브 데 빌바오 athletic club de bilbao, 바스크어 bilboko athletic kluba, 빌바오의 체육단은 흔히 아틀레틱 빌바오 스페인어 athletic bilbao, 혹은 줄여서 아틀레틱 스페인어 athletic으로 알려진 스페인 바스크주 의 빌바오 를 연고로 하는 축구 구단이다. 4위 아틀레틱 빌바오 와 승점차가 6점이라 나머지 경기 여부에 따라 챔피언스리그 진출권인 4위를 노릴 희망이 있다.

히토미 삭제

스포츠콘서트 티켓 100% 공급 보장.. 스페인여행 빌바오여행 마이리얼트립 현지투어 여행가이드.. 2025 유로파리그 토트넘 vs 맨유 빌바오 경기 직관 예매는 어디서 하는 게 좋은지 공유해 볼게요..

히토미 콘돔

A guide to help you through the process of buying match tickets at athletic clubs san mames stadium, Athletic clubs official website latest news, footballers, match tickets, museum and san mames tour tickets and official shop, 빌바오랑 하는 경기는 걔네 수비적인 플레이 스타일 때문에 꽤 지루한 거 알지만, 경기장이 꽉 차는 경기를 보여주고 싶어서 아틀레티코랑 하는 경기를. Eus › enathletic club athletic clubs official website bilbao.

Ticket info arsenal v athletic club. 무엇보다 30라운드에선 레알 마드리드를 상대로 21로 기분좋게 역전승을 거뒀다. 빌바오 최고의 즐길 거리를 찾아보세요.

빌바오 구겐하임 미술관 및 기타 명소의 티켓을 최대 20% 할인된 가격에 이용하세요. 저희는 수많은 티켓 마켓들과 티켓 판매. 빌바오에서 라이브 축구 경기의 흥분과 분위기를 느껴보세요.

Com › products › 4994663아틀레틱 빌바오 홈 경기 축구티켓 마이리얼트립 스페인여행, Tickets are 100% guaranteed by fanprotect. 산 마메스 경기장에서 바스크 지방과 깊은 연관이 있는 선수들로만 구성된 아틀레틱 클럽 athletic bilbao만의 특별한 매력을 느껴보세요, 스페인 시민이 아닌 고객에게만 제공됩니다.

히토미라 엄마

고객님께 배송전 실제품 검수사진 보내드린후. 강등당한 19위 라싱 산탄데르와 승점차가 단 1점이었다. In 1941, the club was forced to change its name to atlético bilbao, following a decree issued by franco, who also changed the name of the copa del rey to copa del generalísimo, in reference to his own figure.

히토미19 Enjoy a unique experience at the cathedral of football. 일단 구매한 가격은 동일하며, 고객은 환불을 요청하거나 시장 가격 변동으로 인한 차액을 보상할 수 없습니다. Getting tickets for athletic club matches. 스포츠콘서트 티켓 100% 공급 보장. 스포츠콘서트 티켓 100% 공급 보장. 히토미 서버 디시

히토미 코미 Org › wiki › 아틀레틱_빌바오아틀레틱 빌바오 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 빌바오랑 하는 경기는 걔네 수비적인 플레이 스타일 때문에 꽤 지루한 거 알지만, 경기장이 꽉 차는 경기를 보여주고 싶어서 아틀레티코랑 하는 경기를. 1st rfef matchday 23. 가격이 더 오르지 않기를 바랄 뿐 3차시도가 성공할 수 있을 것인가. Buy and sell athletic bilbao tickets and all other soccer tickets at stubhub. 히토미 하이큐

히토미 최음제 라리가 아틀레틱 빌바오 홈구장 산 마메스 스타디움 & 와그. 강등당한 19위 라싱 산탄데르와 승점차가 단 1점이었다. Kkday와 함께 흥미진진한 athletic bilbao 축구 경기를 관람할 좌석을 확보하세요. 토토가이드 l 축구토토 승무패 7회차 별들의 전쟁 ucl 리그 페이즈 최종전 벼랑 끝 나폴리 vs 여유로운 첼시, 희비 엇갈리나 네이버 블로그 토토가이드 63개의 글 목록열기. A guide to help you through the process of buying match tickets at athletic clubs san mames stadium. 히토미 주간

히토미게이 2026년 1월 21일 예정된 아탈란타 bc와 아틀레틱 클루브 빌바오 간의 uefa 챔피언스리그 리그 페이즈 7차전 경기를 다각도로 분석한 결과물이다. Arsenal v athletic bilbao. 리버풀 아틀레틱 빌바오 티켓 – 일요일, 08 8월 2021 sports events 365 매력적인 가격과 100% 배송 보장으로 안심하고 티켓을 구매하세요. Bilbao athletic cd tenerife. Uefa 페어 플레이 랭킹에 의한 티켓과 uefa 인터토토컵 우승팀도 참가할 수 있게 되었으나, 인터토토컵이 2008년에 폐지되면서 페어 플레이 랭킹에 의한 참가 자격만 남았고 페어 플레이 랭킹 티켓 제도도 201516 시즌을 끝으로 폐지되었다.

히토미 스토리 디시 홈팀 빌바오는 짧은 패스 네트워크를 기반으로 한. 4위 아틀레틱 빌바오 와 승점차가 6점이라 나머지 경기 여부에 따라 챔피언스리그 진출권인 4위를 노릴 희망이 있다. 실제 e티켓은 경기 15일 전에 고객의 우편함으로 발송됩니다. Bilbao athleticcd tenerife. Org › wiki › 202526년_uefa202526년 uefa 챔피언스리그 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.