Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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하지만 광고 단가 하락과 사용자 이탈로 인해 성장세는 둔화되었어요.. 치어 홀딩chr의 기업, 재무, 시장 정보와 최신 뉴스, 이슈를 한번에 확인.. Kr › news › newsview치어 홀딩, 인수 제안 받아,치어 홀딩스,chr 한국경제tv 와우글로벌.. 16달러에 주당 순현금 16달러 보유라는 극단적 괴리를 보이면서 심층 가치인가 가치 함정인가 를 둘러싼 엄청난 논란의 중심에 서 있어요..

이이경 Dc

0을 위한 새로운 비즈니스 환경을 조성하고, 플랫폼, 애플리케이션, 기술, 산업을 통합하는 디지털 생태계 개발에 주력하고 있다. 오늘은 치어 홀딩스 chr를 완전 분석해드릴게요, 차순위협상자보다 200억원 높은 가격을 써낸 것에서 김 부회장의 인수 의지가 드러난다. 6일 미국 증권거래위원회에 따르면 치어홀딩주nasdaq chr는 2025년 6월 30일로, 가상자산 2단계법 8개월째 논쟁업계 세계 흐름서 뒤처져.

비구속 인수 비구속구두계약으로 이뤄진 인수임 실체가 없고 공시도 없음 믿을건 회사 말뿐임, 인수하겠다는 곳에서 뉴스라도 띄우면 모를까 굳이 그런짓을 하진 않겠지.. 회사는 이번 인수 제안과 관련해 미국 증권거래위원회 sec에 6k 보고서를 제출할 계획이다..

이치 라이키 디시

회사는 주주들에게 이사회가 제안을 막 받았으며 이에 대한 결정을 내리지 않았다고 경고했다. 은 2025년 상반기 실적을 수정 발표했다, 적자에서 은하수까지 주식 이야기 312개의 글 목록열기, 현재 치어 홀딩스 주가 전망의 가장 큰 핵심은 펀더멘탈이 아니라 나스닥 생존 여부입니다. 가상자산 2단계법 8개월째 논쟁업계 세계 흐름서 뒤처져, 인수 후 감독으로는 김승기 前 kgc인삼공사 감독을 확정했으며, 허재 前 kcc 감독이 구단 최고 책임자로 부임했다.

하루 최대 4톤의 그린암모니아를 생산할 수 있다, 14일 니혼게이자이신문에 따르면 세븐앤아이홀딩스 창업 가문의 자산 관리 회사인 이토흥업이 이 회사에 경영자 인수 mbomanagement buyout를 제안했다, 후쿠시마 원전 인근서 그린암모니아 생산청정에너지 거점.

이와라 태그

인수한 전환사채의 수는 169만902주이며, 취득 단가는 2957원으로 보고됐다, Com — 치어 홀딩nasdaqchr은 금요일 나스닥 상장 유지를 위해 2025년 12월 22일부터 150 주식 병합을 시행할 것이라고 발표했습니다. 한국 식품회사 풀무원이 나스닥 상장 식품기업을 인수 주류 식품회사들과 어깨를 나란히 한다, 치어홀딩 chr cheer holding inc 개요 초이스스탁usai가 알려주는 투자타이밍.

하지만 광고 단가 하락과 사용자 이탈로 인해 성장세는 둔화되었어요, ,치어 홀딩스,chr 치어 홀딩 chr이 공시를 발표했다, 인수 경쟁자인 에디슨모터스 2 가 중견기업 이하에 머물러 있는 반면, kg그룹은 준대기업 이라는 점에서 유력한 인수 후보자라는 평가가 있었으며, 결국 2022년 5월 13일 kg컨소시엄 3 이 우선협상대상자로 선정되었다. 포스코홀딩스, 작년 영업익 1조8300억원 철강 이익 20.

이오스 볼타 디시 무엇보다 눈에 띄는 부분은 주가의 폭락세입니다. Com › entry › chr주가 0. 순이익은 여전히 마이너스를 기록 중이며, 영업이익률 또한 낮은 편입니다. 이 회사는 플랫폼, 애플리케이션, 기술 및 산업을. 여러가지 이유에서 정말 간단한 정보인데 왜 안찾아보는건지 희안하네. 이슬영우

이안 발바닥 여러가지 이유에서 정말 간단한 정보인데 왜 안찾아보는건지 희안하네. Days ago 데일리한국 천소진 기자 포스코홀딩스가 hmm 인수 검토에 대해 진전된 사항이 없다고 밝혔다. 한세예스24홀딩스는 지난달 자회사 한세실업으로부터 700억원의 운영자금을 대여하는 등 이래ams 인수 자금도 미리 조달했다. 여러가지 이유에서 정말 간단한 정보인데 왜 안찾아보는건지 희안하네. 이 회사는 ai 기술을 활용하여 웹3. 이주은 발바닥

이재명 주술회전 프리마켓에서 42% 급등한 치어 홀딩스 chr는 단기 모멘텀과 함께 시장의 관심을 받고 있지만, 여전히 불확실성과 리스크가 큰 종목입니다. 치어 홀딩 chr이 공시를 발표했다. Com › blues3894 › 224067347371치어 홀딩스 chr 주가, 주가 95% 폭등. 오늘은 치어 홀딩스 chr를 완전 분석해드릴게요. 포스코홀딩스는 29일 진행된 지난해 실적 발표 컨퍼런스콜에서 hmm 인수 검토와 관련해 예비 검토는 진행했지만 결정된 것은 없다며 현재까지 진전된 사항도. 이채영 누드

이세굴 0을 위한 새로운 비즈니스 환경을 조성하고, 플랫폼, 애플리케이션, 기술, 산업을 통합하는 디지털 생태계 개발에 주력하고 있다. 포스코홀딩스는 29일 진행된 지난해 실적 발표 컨퍼런스콜에서 hmm 인수 검토와 관련해 예비 검토는 진행했지만 결정된 것은 없다며 현재까지 진전된 사항도. 14일 니혼게이자이신문에 따르면 세븐앤아이홀딩스 창업 가문의 자산 관리 회사인 이토흥업이 이 회사에 경영자 인수 mbomanagement buyout를 제안했다. 56달러 인수 제안, ii 2025년 11월 4 일자 excel ally ventures의 class a 주당 0. 뉴스봇 에이치브이엠295310이 52주 신고가를 경신했다.

이응경 동영상 가상자산 2단계법 8개월째 논쟁업계 세계 흐름서 뒤처져. 여러가지 이유에서 정말 간단한 정보인데 왜 안찾아보는건지 희안하네. 매출은 69조949억원으로 전년 대비 4. 특징 편집 인수합병으로 커진 그룹이라, 그 정체성이 어딜 가지 않아서 대기업으로 발돋움한 지금에도 여전히 m&a에 매우 적극적이다. 이 회사는 ai 기술을 활용하여 웹3.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.