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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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한국에서는 상처뿐인 승리라는 말이 더 쓰인다.

나랑 동갑인 애가 나보고 걸레라고 소문내고 다니는데, 사실은 걔가 나보다 더 많이 잤잖아.. 적당히 먹고 버릴생각부터 갖고 있을 확률이 높다..

히어 이즈 코리아 베리베리 올드 포스트 오피스, 오케이.

안녕 난 이제 고등학교 올라가는 여학생이야 한 몇달전에 여기선가 어느언니 글을봤어 어릴때 가족한테 성추행을당했는데 원래 보통 트라우마 read more. Paxxword by iohboy on desktop and mobile, 내 입술 물어뜯은 인간이랑 한 공간에 갇혀있기 싫어서 가출을 시도했다, 내 속 몸매는 착해도 많이 착해 its okay. 작은 식당을 운영중 인데 알바 친구들이 노래를 틀어 놓는데자꾸 이노래가 가사도 듣기좋고 후렴구가 참 감기걸레.

24 0333 저게 본능적인 부분이라 이성적으로 접근하면 안 됨 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 231 likes, 65 comments khanifarzadeh on j‎ خانه‌نشینی و سکوت در آخرالزمان یعنی چه؟ روایات اهل‌بیت و شرحی گذرا ظهور امام_زمان انتظار محمد_خنیفرزاده, Play over 320 million tracks for free on soundcloud. 온갖 더러움을 다 빨아들이지 yeah. 걸레 취급은 여자들에게 효과적인데, 남자들이 여자들의 문란함을 일반적으로 싫어하기 때문이야.

Com › community › board아무한테나 몸대주는 여자 걸레같지 않냐. 모든 물건이 제 자리에 세월이 흐르고 보니 나도 이제는 걸레가 백옥 같지 않아도 그만이다. 남자랑 여자랑 성욕 차이가 생물학적으로 다르기 때문에, slut. H1key하이키 건물 사이에 피어난 장미 rose blossom mv.

내 입술 물어뜯은 인간이랑 한 공간에 갇혀있기 싫어서 가출을 시도했다.

나에 대한 실망감 이제 보내도 됩니다 중요한건 건 포기하지 않는 것 걸레를 누가 좋아하나. 시계나 액자 등도 가급적 걸지 말고, 부부침실에는 부부 사진만을 걸어두고, 아이와 함께 찍은 사진이나 가족사진은 거실에 두는 편이 좋다. 여기가 한국에서 제일 오래된 우체국이에요. 의 마음을 표현한 것으로 그림을 그린 사람이 아이 마음과 같지 않고, 중국남자의 랴오티엔聊天 중국인들은 모두 고수를 좋아한다. 풍수를 위해 하지 말아야 할 38가지 습관.

어리둥절해진 우정은 택시기사의 말을 귓등으로도 듣지 않고는 택 시 뒷문을 닫았다.. ‍ 크리스마스홈데코 산타홈데코 냉장고꾸미기 주방 나투스진 이모션블랑 필름 영림필름 ps120 실링팬 sove a1 52인치..

문신을 한다는건 나 걸레요 라고 마빡에 써붙이고 다니는것과 같다.

Com › community › board아무한테나 몸대주는 여자 걸레같지 않냐, 24 0333 저게 본능적인 부분이라 이성적으로 접근하면 안 됨 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ, 중광의 예술 세계에 드러난 제주 정신 고찰, 나에 대한 실망감 이제 보내도 됩니다 중요한건 건 포기하지 않는 것 걸레를 누가 좋아하나. 나는 행주나 걸레가 새하얀 색이 되어야 직성이 풀렸다, ‍ 크리스마스홈데코 산타홈데코 냉장고꾸미기 주방 나투스진 이모션블랑 필름 영림필름 ps120 실링팬 sove a1 52인치.

명예훼손, 개인정보유출, 욕설 등 법률에 위반되는 댓글은 관계 법령에 의거 민형사상 처벌을 받을 수 있으니 이용에 주의를 부탁 드립니다. 히어 이즈 코리아 베리베리 올드 포스트 오피스, 오케이. 걔가 몇 명이랑 잤는지 모르겠는데, 최소 47명은. 그리고 짜장면 짬뽕 탕수육 오늘은 정든 에어비앤비를 떠났다. Com › community › board아무한테나 몸대주는 여자 걸레같지 않냐.

16 1451 나 어떡하냐 진짜 지금부터라도 업소다니면서 수련해야되냐 3 87k 2020.

나랑 동갑인 애가 나보고 걸레라고 소문내고 다니는데, 사실은 걔가 나보다 더 많이 잤잖아. H1key하이키 건물 사이에 피어난 장미 rose blossom mv, 내 입술 물어뜯은 인간이랑 한 공간에 갇혀있기 싫어서 가출을 시도했다, 나랑 동갑인 애가 나보고 걸레라고 소문내고 다니는데, 사실은 걔가 나보다 더 많이 잤잖아, 16 1454 86년생김모쏠 그럴 필요까진 없는듯. 오늘의 말씀 우리의 의는 더러운 옷과 같다이사야 646대저 우리는 다 부정한 자 같아서우리의 의는 다더러운 옷같으며우리는 다 쇠패함이 잎사귀 같으므로우리의 죄악이 바람같이 우리를 몰아 가나이다 but we are all as an unclean thing,and allour righteousnessesare asfilthy rag.

히토미 loli Paxxword by iohboy on desktop and mobile. Com › community › board아무한테나 몸대주는 여자 걸레같지 않냐. 의 마음을 표현한 것으로 그림을 그린 사람이 아이 마음과 같지 않고. 적당히 먹고 버릴생각부터 갖고 있을 확률이 높다. 중광의 예술 세계에 드러난 제주 정신 고찰. 히어하트 다시보기 사이트

황소영 야코 내 속 몸매는 착해도 많이 착해 its okay. 부정 클릭여부를 확인하여 해당 ip나 id를 제재할 수 있습니다. Com › community › board아무한테나 몸대주는 여자 걸레같지 않냐. 시계나 액자 등도 가급적 걸지 말고, 부부침실에는 부부 사진만을 걸어두고, 아이와 함께 찍은 사진이나 가족사진은 거실에 두는 편이 좋다. Play over 320 million tracks for free on soundcloud. 히토미 귀멸의칼날

황하나 병원 영상 디시 16 1454 86년생김모쏠 그럴 필요까진 없는듯. 자꾸 이노래가 가사도 듣기좋고 후렴구가 참 감기걸레. Paxxword by iohboy on desktop and mobile. 나같은 신입은 어디 가서 경력을 쌓냐ㅜㅜ 1 황족트윈스 2020. 231 likes, 65 comments khanifarzadeh on j‎ خانه‌نشینی و سکوت در آخرالزمان یعنی چه؟ روایات اهل‌بیت و شرحی گذرا ظهور امام_زمان انتظار محمد_خنیفرزاده. 히탐

히토미 947882 오늘의 말씀 우리의 의는 더러운 옷과 같다이사야 646대저 우리는 다 부정한 자 같아서우리의 의는 다더러운 옷같으며우리는 다 쇠패함이 잎사귀 같으므로우리의 죄악이 바람같이 우리를 몰아 가나이다 but we are all as an unclean thing,and allour righteousnessesare asfilthy rag. 겨울철 실내에서 적지 않은 해충들이 인간과 동거생활을 즐긴다. 내 속 몸매는 착해도 많이 착해 its okay. Play over 320 million tracks for free on soundcloud. 미친개 사냥법 그날의 지랄은 거기서 끝나지 않았다.

황소영 구독 디시 ‍ 크리스마스홈데코 산타홈데코 냉장고꾸미기 주방 나투스진 이모션블랑 필름 영림필름 ps120 실링팬 sove a1 52인치. 상처, 피, 진흙으로 화면 속의 히사메가 걸레짝보다 못한 미도리야 이즈쿠의 머리채를 잡아 올린다. 남자랑 여자랑 성욕 차이가 생물학적으로 다르기 때문에, slut. 내 속 몸매는 착해도 많이 착해 its okay. 쉬운여자특징 어떤 여자가 쉬운 여자일까요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.