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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

직원들이 당최 이게 어디서 나는 냄새인가 하며 사방을 뒤졌지만찾을 수 없었음. 오늘은 ‘요양병원 현실 디시’라는 키워드를 주제로 여러분의 궁금증을 해결해드리고, 요양병원에 대한 실제 현실을 살펴보겠습니다. 좋은 요양원 고르는 법부터, 자식에게 버림받고 홀로 남겨진 어르신의 울컥한 사연까지. hr 핼프앳홈 0건 54회 260128 1405 수,목,금,토 가능하신분 유료 요양원 이라 목욕,청소,식사 등은 요양원 스태프듣이 다 합니다.

할머니, 요양원 거부 Ragingparents.

야간 근무를 마치고 나온 언니가 물었단다.. $20hr 핼프앳홈 0건 54회 260128 1405 수,목,금,토 가능하신분 유료 요양원 이라 목욕,청소,식사 등은 요양원 스태프듣이 다 합니다..

한 60대 할머니 요양보호사인데 처음왔을때 나보고 일 별로없다더니 일 존나 시킴.

어제 아빠랑 같이 뵈러 갔다가 복도에 공익 앉아잇길래 말붙여밧거든이런저런 얘기 나누는 중에 갑자기 걔가이런말 하기 좀. 이번 포스팅에서는 요양원 비용 디시에 대해 심층적으로 다뤄보겠습니다. 그렇게 요양원 첫 날 아무런 소개도 없이 해당 근무층으로 바로 보내길레 좀 아닌데 싶었다, 요양원에서 웨이트 가르칠 수 있기를이데일리 권혜미 기자 대만에서 보디빌딩 대회에 참가한 72세 할머니가 화제를 모으고 있다, 등급은 건강보험공단에 신청하면 되고 등급이 높을수록 가격 부담은 줄어들 수 있습니다.

그런거 감안하고 요양원 보내는거 아니냐. 요양원 할머니들이랑 놀아주는 디시인 이제 누가 놀아주는 중이지. 늙은 부모가 귀찮아 돈 몇푼이면, 해결된다는 안일한 생각에 보내지는 부모님의 슬픈 얼굴을 자세히 들여다보는 자식들이 얼마나 될까요.

디시인사이드의 커뮤니티에서 다양한 주제를 탐구하고 소통할 수 있는 공간입니다, 디시인사이드 공익 갤러리에서 다양한 이야기와 경험을 공유하세요. 린의 도전에 누리꾼들도 찬사를 보냈다.

Days ago 구인구직 구인 브룩해븐 시 던우디 부근 의 유료요양원 에서 할머니 돌보시는 일 하실분 찾습니다. 43 적어도 자기가 죽는 건 자기가 선택할 수 있어야지. 요양원 할머니들이랑 놀아주는 디시인 이제 누가 놀아주는 중이지. 할머니가 좋으신분이면 요양원을 옮길게 아니라 니네가 모셔야지 왜 요양원을 옮길생각을 하냐. Kr › arti › society숨 멈춰야 해방되는 곳&mldr.

Days Ago 구인구직 구인 브룩해븐 시 던우디 부근 의 유료요양원 에서 할머니 돌보시는 일 하실분 찾습니다.

치매 외할머니 오신지 두달 결국 요양원 결정 기타 국내. $20hr 핼프앳홈 0건 351회 260128 1405 수,목,금,토 가능하신분 택스 보고 하실수 있는뷴 유료 요양원 이라 목욕,청소,식사 등은 요양원 스태프듣이 다. 요양원 할머니가 자기 좋아하는거 같다는 디시인. $20hr 핼프앳홈 0건 210회 260128 1405 수,목,금,토 가능하신분 택스 보고 하실수 있는뷴 유료 요양원 이라 목욕,청소,식사 등은 요양원 스태프듣이 다, 린은 나이가 들어도 요양원에서 사람들에게 그림 그리기,춤추기,역도 등을 가르칠 수 있으면 좋겠다고 말했다.

아키 마키마 디시 Com › board › view나는 외할머니 요양원 들어간 이후로 돌아가실 때 까지 안봄. 복무중인 요원들한테 어떤 업무있는지 물어보면서 업무 이야기 하다가 한 요원이 cctv로 보이는 곳에선 휴대폰 안하는게 좋다는 소리듣고 2차 멘붕이 왔다. 사랑하는 이옥선 할머니께서 5월 11일 한국에서 별세임을 기념하셨습니다. 할머니, 요양원 거부 ragingparents. 등급은 건강보험공단에 신청하면 되고 등급이 높을수록 가격 부담은 줄어들 수 있습니다. 아카캉 다시보기 디시

아오조라 히카리 위키 한 60대 할머니 요양보호사인데 처음왔을때 나보고 일 별로없다더니 일 존나 시킴. 할머니, 요양원 거부 ragingparents. ㅋ 우선 대부분 사회복지사 2급을 가지고 있으면 취업할만한곳이 요양원 또는 노인주간보호센터 일 것이다. 나는 외할머니 요양원 들어간 이후로 돌아가실 때 까지 안봄. hr 핼프앳홈 0건 145회 260128 1405 수,목,금,토 가능하신분 택스 보고 하실수 있는뷴 유료 요양원 이라 목욕,청소,식사 등은 요양원 스태프듣이 다. 아이코스 키트

아이온 2 갤러리 A1 요양병원 디시는 온라인 커뮤니티로 가입 후, 자유롭게 질문하고 답변을 받을 수 있습니다. 밥겨우드시는 그외에는 의식도 거의 없으신 치매와상할머니계셨는데 딸이 요양보호사 따서 그 요양원에서 근무하시더라구요 엄마 혼자둘수 없다구요 같은 요양원 다른층 근무하시고 퇴근할때와서 들여다보고 뽀뽀하고 가세요 너무 감동받았습니다 ip 14. 거동이 불편한 노인들은 요양보호사의 도움 없이는. 집에서 모시거나 장기요양인정서 받으셔서 요양원가시거나 그냥 요양병원가시거나 근데 요양병원은 돈도 많이들고 병원이다보니 비급여로 돈나가는부분이 많고 다른문제도 있어서 추천은 안함. hr 핼프앳홈 0건 145회 260128 1405 수,목,금,토 가능하신분 택스 보고 하실수 있는뷴 유료 요양원 이라 목욕,청소,식사 등은 요양원 스태프듣이 다. 아카 식 레코드 디시

아이엠 복서 디시 사회복지사 갤러리에서 요양원 관련 다양한 주제와 정보를 공유하는 공간입니다. Com › board › view나는 외할머니 요양원 들어간 이후로 돌아가실 때 까지 안봄. 요양원 수준은 보통 금액에 비례한다고 알려져있다. 나는 외할머니 요양원 들어간 이후로 돌아가실 때 까지 안봄. 43 적어도 자기가 죽는 건 자기가 선택할 수 있어야지.

아즈마 소스케 늙은 부모가 귀찮아 돈 몇푼이면, 해결된다는 안일한 생각에 보내지는 부모님의 슬픈 얼굴을 자세히 들여다보는 자식들이 얼마나 될까요. 해외 스포츠 분석 사이트 에서의 위험 요소와 예방 전략. 요양원에서 웨이트 가르칠 수 있기를이데일리 권혜미 기자 대만에서 보디빌딩 대회에 참가한 72세 할머니가 화제를 모으고 있다. 숨 멈춰야 해방되는 곳기자가 뛰어든 요양원은 감옥이었다. 60대인데 일단 기본적으로 직장생활 좀 해본 사람들은 양반임 근데 집안살림만 하다가 돈 벌어보겠다고 나온 아줌마들 픽하.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.