Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Scp 096가 실제로 게임 내 촬영된 모습입니다. 그림 속 괴물들은 정자세로 있는 경우가 거의 없는데, 대부분 빠르게 이동하거나 다가오는 듯한 모습을 보여준다. 이후 scp096은 몇 분간 앉았다가 평정심을 되찾고 다시 온순해진다. Scp 이미지 – 찾아보기 564 스톡 사진, 벡터 및 비디오.

금화 레전드 디시

기무세딘 구독 디시

사실상 scp 재단이라는 양덕식 설정놀음의 시작을. 너무 거대해서 격리가 불가능한 엄청난. Scp 사진들, 원본은 다 어디서 난 걸까.

기룡이 출소 디시

Scp 이미지 – 찾아보기 564 스톡 사진, 벡터 및 비디오.. 2008년 7월에 위키엔진과 호스팅을 위키닷 으로 이전하여 지금까지 사이트를 유지하고 있다..

Scp 시리즈 ko ⅱ 시리즈 ko ⅰ 시리즈 ko ⅰ 이야기 시리즈 x 시리즈 ⅸ 시리즈 ⅷ 시리즈 ⅶ 시리즈 ⅵ 시리즈 ⅵ 이야기 시리즈 ⅴ 시리즈 ⅴ 이야기 시리즈 ⅳ 시리즈 ⅳ 이야기 시리즈 ⅲ 시리즈 ⅲ 이야기 시리즈 ⅱ 시리즈 ⅱ 이야기 시리즈 ⅰ, Scp 096의 얼굴을 카메라로 봐도 scp 096의 얼굴이 찍힌 사진 동영상을 보는 것만으로도 scp 096의 사정거리에 들어가게 되면 scp 096이 쫓아갑니다. Scp labrat follows the original gameplay of scp cb and adds multiple features to improve the experience, 오늘 저장할 96 scp 아이디어 자연 사진, 영화.

우리 역사 선생님이 수업 시간에 그 사진을 썼었거든. 특이하게도 이 녀석은 scp087에 들어온 탐사자들이 아니라 그들이 장착한 카메라를 통해 상황을 지켜보는 관찰자들을 노려보는 듯한 시선을 취한다, 다음은 몇몇 유명한 scp들과의 상호관계 입니다 scp053 소녀 이 소녀를 보거나 접촉하거나 가까이 있었던사람은 매우 폭력적으로 변해 주변 인물들을 죽이고 마지막으로 소녀를 죽이려 하지만 그순간 심장마비로 사망합니다. 많은 분들이 실존한다 믿고 계셔서 하는 말입니다.

remember 2 kiss your tv, an original artwork by velvetnell, featuring scp035, the possessive mask, Scp105의 개인 사진기 scp105b로 지정는 제19기지의 고가치 물품 저장 시설에 있는 금고에 보관한다. 2008년 7월에 위키엔진과 호스팅을 위키닷 으로 이전하여 지금까지 사이트를 유지하고 있다.

그록 야짤 프롬

Кликните по всплывающей подсказке. Pinterest에서 나리 재님의 보드 scp 사진을를 팔로우하세요. 실제로 사이렌 scp 나타났다 scp169 전설 속 레비아탄.

Scp재단에서 설계, 제작한 것으로 추정되는 절대 차단 방호구이다. 읽기에 앞서scp 재단 이란 기관은 확보, 격리, 보호secure, contain, protect의 약자의 이름을 딴 기관이며, 이 기관에서는 과학적으로 설명할 수 없는 초자연적인 생물, 물체, 현상, 지역등을 scp 분류해 감시, 연구하는 비밀 민간 단체이다, 본래 그림이나 사진에다 뭔가 그럴듯한 무서운 설정을 붙여가면서 놀던 것이 하나의 세계관으로 확장되었으며, 단순히 설정 구상을 넘어 독자적인 서사를 지닌 작품도 많이.

Com › scpfoundationscp foundation desktop wallpapers, phone wallpaper, pfp. A panel from welcome to the department of colour, a series of comics written by doctor zurvan and illustrated by echtoon. 실제로 촬영 된 scp 영상들을 봤습니다, 이처럼 scp 재단이 관리하는 변칙 존재를 흔히 scp라고 지칭한다.

그다음에는 자신이 본래 살던 지역인 데이터 편집됨로 돌아가려 한다. Scp 재단의 기원은 4chan 의 x 게시판에서 2007년 여름에 만들어진 scp173이다. 이 scp 사진들 다 보니까 궁금해졌어. 아마 이 사진을 어디선가 본 개붕이들이 있을거임. 공포특집 scp 재단의 무서운 존재들 1탄 네이버 블로그 영미 공포 4개의 글 목록열기.

그록 스크립트 746 바이트 darkskullteeth infrared 1. Scp 096의 얼굴을 카메라로 봐도 scp 096의 얼굴이 찍힌 사진 동영상을 보는 것만으로도 scp 096의 사정거리에 들어가게 되면 scp 096이 쫓아갑니다. Com › artworkhubartwork hub scp foundation. Scp 096가 실제로 게임 내 촬영된 모습입니다. Scp067을 사용해 피험자 1101f가 신장 15 cm6 인치, 폭 3. 그록 펠라 프롬

귀티 나는 남자 디시 특이하게도 이 녀석은 scp087에 들어온 탐사자들이 아니라 그들이 장착한 카메라를 통해 상황을 지켜보는 관찰자들을 노려보는 듯한 시선을 취한다. Scp035에 근접하거나 시각적으로 대상을 보고 있는 사람들은 그것을 쓰려는 강한 충동을 경험하게 된다. 이처럼 scp 재단이 관리하는 변칙 존재를 흔히 scp라고 지칭한다. Галерея работ sunnyclockwork галерея работ sinsekai. Immerse yourself in the hauntingly beautiful and enigmatic world of scp foundation through stunning visuals. 규리 팡킥 디시

그록 실사 프롬프트 본 문서는 scp 재단 관련 내용을 다루고 있습니다. 초기에 scp173 이미지로 쓰였던 무제 2004. 약혐, 약스압 scp재단에서 가장 유명한 사진이 삭제되다. 실제로 사이렌 scp 나타났다 scp169 전설 속 레비아탄. 많은 분들이 실존한다 믿고 계셔서 하는 말입니다. 귀칼 탄지로 만화

귀칼 태블릿 배경화면 읽기에 앞서scp 재단 이란 기관은 확보, 격리, 보호secure, contain, protect의 약자의 이름을 딴 기관이며, 이 기관에서는 과학적으로 설명할 수 없는 초자연적인 생물, 물체, 현상, 지역등을 scp 분류해 감시, 연구하는 비밀 민간 단체이다. Scp777에 강우가 이뤄질 경우, 현장 요원들에겐 나타날 위험 요소를 무효화하기 위한 폭격이 허가. 이후 scp096은 몇 분간 앉았다가 평정심을 되찾고 다시 온순해진다. 이 경우 scp035의 사진, 영상 기록, 그림같은 시각적 기록물은 자동으로 새 모습에 맞춰 변화하게 된다. Scp 재단영어 scp foundation은 가상의 재단과 이들이 다루는 비현실적인 개체를 주제로 하는 어반 판타지계 창작 위키 사이트다.

그록 대체제 디시 Scp 사진들, 원본은 다 어디서 난 걸까. Кликните по всплывающей подсказке. Scp 재단영어 scp foundation은 가상의 재단과 이들이 다루는 비현실적인 개체를 주제로 하는 어반 판타지계 창작 위키 사이트다. Immerse yourself in the hauntingly beautiful and enigmatic world of scp foundation through stunning visuals. Scp105의 개인 사진기 scp105b로 지정는 제19기지의 고가치 물품 저장 시설에 있는 금고에 보관한다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.