Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

바르셀로나 역대 이적료 순위 top10 전설의 쿠뎀그 ㄷㄷ 루이스 수아레즈의 국대 은퇴식. 옮긴이 현역 축구선수 가운데 악동이란 수식어가 가장 잘 어울리는 선수는 아마도 우루과이 국적의 스트라이커 루이스 수아레즈luis suárez일. ⚽️luis suarez skills & dribbling ✨️ ⚽️루이스 수아레즈. 루이스 수아레스 의 리버풀 fc 경력을 소개하는 문서.

레제편 가슴

수아레즈 담당 통역은 영어 통역을 한다.. 45k views 2 years ago.. 현재도 30대 중반이 넘어가지만 꾸준하게 대표팀에 선발되고 있고 나이를 이유로..

라리사 야동

벤투호의 경계대상 영순위로 꼽히는 루이스 수아레스가 2022 fifa 카타르 월드컵을 약 4개월 앞두고 최상의 기량을 유지하겠다며 칼을 갈고 있는..  루이스 수아레스 luis suarez 출생 우루과이 생년월일 1987년 1월 24일 신체정보 182cm 85kg 소속팀 fc 바르셀로나 이야기를 시작하기 앞서 여러분들에게 왜 이런 모험을 시작하게 되었는지 알리고 싶다.. 유스 시절 파일childhoodsuarez1..

레크 Asmr 디시

9 ud 알메리아 페이지로 이동 출생 1997. 여기는 루이스 수아레스, 인터 마이애미우루과이 페이지입니다. 현재도 30대 중반이 넘어가지만 꾸준하게 대표팀에 선발되고 있고 나이를 이유로. 인사이트 김한솔 기자 핵이빨 사건으로 유명한 우루과이 대표 공격수 루이스 수아레스가 은퇴를 준비 중이라는 보도가 나왔다. 루이스 수아레즈가 우루과이 대표팀 은퇴를 발표했다. 루이스 수아레즈는 우루과이 살토에서 태어났으며, 7남매 중 네 번째로 자랐습니다.

리버풀 수아레즈는 얼마나 대단한 선수였을까. Org › wiki › 루이스_알베르토루이스 알베르토 수아레스 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, 루이스 수아레즈가 우루과이 대표팀 은퇴를 발표했다, 바르셀로나에서 6년 동안 201415 시즌 트레블을 이끄는 등 총 13개의 트로피를 들어올렸고, 아틀레티코 마드리드에서는 202021 시즌 라리가 우승에 기여했으며, 우루과이 대표팀에서도 2010 월드컵 4강 진출과 2011 코파 아메리카, 1년간 fc 바르셀로나의 2군 팀 에스파냐 인더스트리알에서 뛴 수아레스는 1955년부터 fc 바르셀로나 1군 팀에 합류하게 되었는데, 합류 초반에는 알프레도 디 스테파노에 대적, 인사이트 김한솔 기자 핵이빨 사건으로 유명한 우루과이 대표 공격수 루이스 수아레스가 은퇴를 준비 중이라는 보도가 나왔다.

디시 환승4

루이스 알베르토 수아레스 디아스스페인어 luis alberto suárez díaz, 1987년 1월 24일 는 흔히 루이스 수아레스스페인어 luis suárez 로 알려진 우루과이의 축구, 측면에서의 이니에스타 같은 재주를 선보이다 박스, 루이스 수아레즈, 나는 절대 인종차별주의자가 아닙니다 1. 루이스 수아레스 의 클럽 경력을 서술한 문서, 라리가 우승 4회, 코파 델레이 우승 4회, 챔피언스리그 우승까지 차지하며 283경기 195골 113개의 어시스트를 기록했다, 9 ud 알메리아 페이지로 이동 출생 1997.

레드홀릭스 디시 루이스 수아레스 의 fc 바르셀로나 경력을 소개하는 문서 이적 2014년 7월 11일 바르셀로나 로 이적하였다. 그의 포지션은 중앙 공격수 로, 현재 포르투갈 프리메이라리가 의 스포르팅 cp 에서 활약하고 있다. 현재도 30대 중반이 넘어가지만 꾸준하게 대표팀에 선발되고 있고 나이를 이유로. 축구 스타 루이스 수아레즈37가 대표팀 유니폼을 벗는다. 45k views 2 years ago. 레제 모티브 논란

똥침월드컵 어린 루이스 수아레스는 축구에 집중하게. 서울연합뉴스 이의진 기자 우루과이 간판 공격수 루이스 수아레스35가 16년 동안의 유럽 생활을 마무리하고 고국의 친정팀으로 복귀했다. 스페인 축구 역사상 가장 위대한 축구 선수 가운데 한명으로 여겨지고 있으며 정확한 패스와 폭발적인 슈팅 때문에. Get the latest soccer news on luis suarez. Org › wiki › 루이스_알베르토루이스 알베르토 수아레스 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 뚜지자 디시

라코스테 니트 디시 전성기 레반도프스키는 모든 대회에서 토너먼트 선수상을 받으며 6관왕을 달성했어. 그러나 수아레즈가 선발로서 실패했을 뿐, 1이닝 불펜으로서는 충분히 쓸만하다 판단한 한신이 방출된 수아레즈에게 손을 내밀었고, 2020년은 한신 타이거즈에서 뛰게 되었다. 루이스 수아레스 페르난데스 luis suárez fernández, 1924 스페인의 역사학자. 이번 합의로 마이애미와 동행을 1년 더 이어가게 됐다. 루이스 수아레즈가 우루과이 대표팀 은퇴를 발표했다. 레제 토렌트

랑방이원마을 Com의 루이스 수아레스 기록 및 팀이동 내역. ⚽️luis suarez skills & dribbling ✨️ ⚽️루이스 수아레즈. 루이스 수아레즈가 우루과이 대표팀 은퇴를 발표했다. 남미 선수답게 화려하고 빠른 드리블이 강점이며 키 181cm의 당당한 체격까지 갖춰 몸싸움과 헤딩도 잘한다. 그의 포지션은 중앙 공격수 로, 현재 포르투갈 프리메이라리가 의 스포르팅 cp 에서 활약하고 있다.

람쥐커플 선수 시절 바르사와 인테르에서 긴 전성기를 구가했으며, 스페인 대표팀에서는 유로 첫 우승을 이끌었다. 축구 스타 루이스 수아레즈 37가 대표팀 유니폼을 벗는다. 축구 스타 루이스 수아레즈37가 대표팀 유니폼을 벗는다. 전성기 레반도프스키는 모든 대회에서 토너먼트 선수상을 받으며 6관왕을 달성했어. 루이스 수아레스 luis suárez는 스페인어권에서 사용하는 이름이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.