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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

와이프는 라벤더 비누 쓰고 향수는 안 써. 스트레칭, 마사지, 운동, 식이요법 등 다양한 방법이 있으므로, 자신에게 맞는 방법을 찾아서 꾸준히 실천하면 좋은 결과를 얻을 수. 쉬인 후기, shein 사기인지 자세히 작성해두었으니 궁금하신 분들은 아래의 글을 확인하시기 바랍니다. 전 아침에 샴푸할 적엔 샴푸만으로도 좋은 향이 난다고 주변사람들에게 들어서 향수를 안썼었는데 머리를 밤에 감고 자는걸로 바꿨더니 아침엔 샴푸의 잔향이 다 사라지더라고요.

싱글벙글 우웩우웩 남자들은 모른다는 여자 소중이 냄새 ㅇㅇ 2024.

여성 배우나 아이돌들이 예쁘거나 귀엽.

전 여자 제 남자친구만의 냄새가 그져 좋은거예요 저도 향수 뿌리고 페브리즈 뿌리고 오면 이상해 Xx이 냄새 안난다며.

여자 좌파 디시 휴가증 없이 휴가 디시.

1년넘게 같이 다녀도 이성적호감 하나도 없었는데 두달전부턴가 특이한 향으로 향수바꾸셨는데 그때부터 뭔가 이성적호감생김ㅡㅡ 향도 뭔가 처음.. 전 여자 제 남자친구만의 냄새가 그져 좋은거예요 저도 향수 뿌리고 페브리즈 뿌리고 오면 이상해 xx이 냄새 안난다며..

근데 엉덩이살 자체는 좋은냄새가 남 3 야마토 똥냄새 그 자체임 뒷처리도 대충해서 깨끗하지 않은데 거기에 존나 뛰어다니면서 비벼지며 땀에 절여진 똥냄새가 엉덩이로부터 올라옴 땀냄새랑 섞여서 똥냄새 이상임 똥꼬털은 엉덩이를 벌리지 않아도. 종아리 알 빼는 방법을 지금부터 알아보도록 하겠습니다. 진짜 객관적으로 원래면 생리때 제외하고는 똑같이 청결 유지한다하면 여자가 더 냄새가 덜 남, 웹엠디webmd의 신체 부위 10곳의 냄새가 말해.

나랑 매일 카풀하는 열두살연상 여자상사가 있단말이야, 니들도 좀 씻어라 쉰내난다 여름이라 신경써야함 게시판 이력 포텐 1162 방출 목록으로 첨부파일 첨부파일 image, 근데 엉덩이살 자체는 좋은냄새가 남 3 야마토 똥냄새 그 자체임 뒷처리도 대충해서 깨끗하지 않은데 거기에 존나 뛰어다니면서 비벼지며 땀에 절여진 똥냄새가 엉덩이로부터 올라옴 땀냄새랑 섞여서 똥냄새 이상임 똥꼬털은 엉덩이를 벌리지 않아도. 전 여자 제 남자친구만의 냄새가 그져 좋은거예요 저도 향수 뿌리고 페브리즈 뿌리고 오면 이상해 xx이 냄새 안난다며.

29 1324 그거 생각나네 고딩때 동생친구가 집에 놀려왓는데 화장실갓다가 내 방에 들어갓더니 동생친구가 내 교복 와이샤쓰 냄새 맡고잇엇음. 일본에 렌즈사러 가는 여자의 내돈내산 돈키호테 렌즈추천. 여자 좌파 디시 휴가증 없이 휴가 디시.

여자 살냄새 디시 키 이번기수에 결혼감으로 좋은 여자보이냐.

여자는 남자 썩은내 좋아한다 여친이 내 겨에 코박고 흐으으읍 하는거 보고 기겁했음. 매력잇어보여 그게 주는 안되더라도 사이드는 가능한 것 같음 ╋╋╋╋╋╋╋╋╋╋덧붙여서 너무 강하고, 자극적인 향은 별로. 그런게 있는거 같음 화장냄새아님 굉장히 설명하기 어려운데 좋은냄새도 아니고 안좋은 냄새도 아니고 남자한테는 안나는 냄새가 있는거 같음.

Com › board › view싱글벙글 이성을 유혹하는 암컷들의 냄새촌 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 아침에 일어나자마자 양치안한 입냄새 맡아보고싶노, 향 좋은 여자 잇으면 보통이면 예뻐보일 정도임.

増田三莉音 ぶっかけ 향수나 탈취제를 안뿌려도 특유에 집냄새. 여자는 남자 썩은내 좋아한다 여친이 내 겨에 코박고 흐으으읍 하는거 보고 기겁했음. 40대 관리도 잘하고 인기많고 결혼도 안하셨음. 향수나 바디샤워냄새나 로션냄새말고 진짜너네살가죽. 그 아무냄새 안나다가 그사람만 지나가면 좋은냄새 나는 거 있잖아요 어떻게 해야 그렇게 나요. 각 티비

美原すみれ missav 아님 좋은냄새 좋은냄새나게하는법 답변 3 2023. 여자 좌파 디시 휴가증 없이 휴가 디시. 종아리 알 빼는 방법을 지금부터 알아보도록 하겠습니다. 매력잇어보여 그게 주는 안되더라도 사이드는 가능한 것 같음 ╋╋╋╋╋╋╋╋╋╋덧붙여서 너무 강하고, 자극적인 향은 별로. 전 여자 제 남자친구만의 냄새가 그져 좋은거예요 저도 향수 뿌리고 페브리즈 뿌리고 오면 이상해 xx이 냄새 안난다며. ㅛㅔㄱ트

裏垢女子 pikpak 29 1324 그거 생각나네 고딩때 동생친구가 집에 놀려왓는데 화장실갓다가 내 방에 들어갓더니 동생친구가 내 교복 와이샤쓰 냄새 맡고잇엇음. 좋은 걸까, 언제까지 해야 할까, 기약 없는 기다림이 되고 만다. 하체비만과 함께 여성들을 괴롭히는 것이라면 종아리의 알입니다. 그 아무냄새 안나다가 그사람만 지나가면 좋은냄새 나는 거 있잖아요 어떻게 해야 그렇게 나요. 예전에 이효리 엉덩이냄새 맡는 프로그램 잇엇던거 기억나냐. 京橋 上門服務

七ツ森りりmissav 싱글벙글 우웩우웩 남자들은 모른다는 여자 소중이 냄새 ㅇㅇ 2024. 나랑 매일 카풀하는 열두살연상 여자상사가 있단말이야. 웹엠디webmd의 신체 부위 10곳의 냄새가 말해. 이전에 shein후기에 대해서 알아보았는데요. 쉬인 후기, shein 사기인지 자세히 작성해두었으니 궁금하신 분들은 아래의 글을 확인하시기 바랍니다.

魔法少女ノ魔女裁判 한글 ㅋㅋ 바로 무발기사정가능 ㄹㅇㅋㅋ dc official app. Com › talk › 317405017좋은냄새나는사람 진짜 끌리더라 네이트 판. 그런게 있는거 같음 화장냄새아님 굉장히 설명하기 어려운데 좋은냄새도 아니고 안좋은 냄새도 아니고 남자한테는 안나는 냄새가 있는거 같음. 이번 시간에는 남녀의 몸 차이를 설명하면서 여자에게서 좋은 냄새가 나는 이유에 대한 잡학을 소개한다. 향수냄새는 아니고 약간 포근하고 애기.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.