US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 7, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 7, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 7, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 7, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 7, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 7, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 7, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 7, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 7, 2026.
이카리 신지 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 일반 솔직히 신지 찌질하다는 건 옛날부터 이해 못했음 ㅇㅇ118. 코요태 멤버 신지 43가 한층 산뜻해진 외모 근황을 전했다. Com › talk › 374539180신지 디시 반응 네이트 판.
| 세컨드 임팩트 이후의 세대에게는 솜옷 따위는 사. | 경기도 하남시 미사강변중앙로7번안길 25풍산동 미사유테크밸리 d동 1009호. | 여자 쪽이 이렇게나 괴롭히는데 남자가 왜 저항을 안 할까. | 소름돋는 과거 신지 사주풀이 배터리형 2025. |
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| 이카리 신지 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. | Redirecting to sgall. | 코요태 멤버 신지 43가 한층 산뜻해진 외모 근황을 전했다. | 3일 문원은 자신의 인스타그램에 여러분들께 진심을 전해드리고자 이렇게 글을 쓰게 되었습니다. |
| Com › board › evangelionredirecting to sgall. | 고객센터 유료 15660212 무료 114 평일 090018. | 자존심 다 눌러가며 먼저 키스 해주니까 좆도 모르고 안넘어옴대놓고 섹스하자고 꼬셨는데 안넘어옴하다못해 자기가 직접. | 제가 신지 지인이었어도 이건 좀 했을텐데 오죽하면 빽가가 촬영도중 일어났을까 싶을정도임 그동안 남자때문에 고생하던거 옆에서 지켜봐왔을것이고 좋아하고 존경하는 친구가 이런 취급을 당했다싶은게 충격스러웠을것 같기도 하네요. |
| 이카리 신지 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. | 항모 갑판에서 신지는 만나자마자 아스카에게 뺨따귀를 맞았다. | Ts신지와 las, lrs, lks, lss 등등 신지 커플링 대거 환영 이카리 신지 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. | 고이즈미 준이치로 전 일본 총리의 차남으로, 아버지의 지역구를 세습해 내리 6선에 성공하며 자유민주당 중의원 의원직을 이어오고 있다. |
이 짤은 신지한테 하는말인지 미사토에게 하는말인지 모르겠음아마 여기까지가 미사토와의 대화인걸로 추정아래 부터는 신지와의 대화상황을 살펴보면아스카가 미사토에게 성적호기심을 가져서키스 성관계 같은 질문을 한것 같고. 고이즈미 준이치로 전 일본 총리의 차남으로, 아버지의 지역구를 세습해 내리 6선에 성공하며 자유민주당 중의원 의원직을 이어오고 있다. Netv1831879 ‘신지♥’ 예비신랑 문원, 딸 있는 ‘돌싱’이었다전처가. 팬 반응과 커뮤니티의 여론 더쿠, 디시 등 온라인 반응 신지결혼더쿠, 신지결혼디시 등 각종 커뮤니티에서는 축하와 응원의 메시지가 이어지고 있다. 07 114502 조회 19027 추천 158 댓글 200 관련게시물 신지 예비신랑 가수 문원 인스타 입장발표jpg 소름 돋았다 출처 러시아우크라이나 갤러리 원본 보기 158 19 45. 여자 쪽이 이렇게나 괴롭히는데 남자가 왜 저항을 안 할까.
Shinji asuka love신지한테 꼼짝 못하고 눌려 사는 아스카아스카와 신지의 첫 만남은 바다였다.. 세컨드 임팩트 이후의 세대에게는 솜옷 따위는 사.. Com › talk › 374539180신지 디시 반응 네이트 판.. 시발 뉴스 기사 헤드라인에 신지 상견례 어쩌고 하길래 신지 부모랑 만났는데 츄리닝입고 나가서 무례하게 굴었다는줄 알았네 07..
항모 갑판에서 신지는 만나자마자 아스카에게 뺨따귀를 맞았다. Com › board › mistertrot‘신지♥’ 예비신랑 문원, 딸 있는 ‘돌싱’이었다&mldr, 공개된 사진에서 신지는 미소를 띤 채 휴대전화를 들어 거울에 비친 자신의 모습을 찍고 있다.
일반 솔직히 신지 찌질하다는 건 옛날부터 이해 못했음 ㅇㅇ118, 팬 반응과 커뮤니티의 여론 더쿠, 디시 등 온라인 반응 신지결혼더쿠, 신지결혼디시 등 각종 커뮤니티에서는 축하와 응원의 메시지가 이어지고 있다. 신지드에 관한 이야기나 정신병자,대머리에 관한 이야기를 해주세요 신지드 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 03 161845 ㅇㅇ 신지사건은 대체뭐길래 국민들이 반대를함 ㅋㅋㅋ 07, 소름돋는 과거 신지 사주풀이 배터리형 2025. Com › talk › 374539180신지 디시 반응 네이트 판.
문원과 전처 사이에는 딸이 있는 것으로 알려지며 그의 이혼 사유에 대한 신지 팬들의 궁금증도 커지고 있습니다.. 제가 신지 지인이었어도 이건 좀 했을텐데 오죽하면 빽가가 촬영도중 일어났을까 싶을정도임 그동안 남자때문에 고생하던거 옆에서 지켜봐왔을것이고 좋아하고 존경하는 친구가 이런 취급을 당했다싶은게 충격스러웠을것 같기도 하네요.. Com › board › mistertrot‘신지♥’ 예비신랑 문원, 딸 있는 ‘돌싱’이었다&mldr.. 자존심 다 눌러가며 먼저 키스 해주니까 좆도 모르고 안넘어옴대놓고 섹스하자고 꼬셨는데 안넘어옴하다못해 자기가 직접..
일부 팬들은 갑작스러운 결혼 발표에 놀라움을 표현하기도 했지만, 전반적인 분위기는 긍정적이다. 코요태 멤버 신지의 결혼을 반대하는 여론이 급물살을 타고 있다. 신지드 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드, 신지의 귀에 체온계를 꽂았다 뺀 미사토는 뜨끈뜨끈한 소년의 이마에 이마를 대어피부로 열을 재고는 걱정스러운 말투로 말했다. Ts신지와 las, lrs, lks, lss 등등 신지 커플링 대거 환영 이카리 신지 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 일반 솔직히 신지 찌질하다는 건 옛날부터 이해 못했음 ㅇㅇ118.
나는 찬미 레전드 항모 갑판에서 신지는 만나자마자 아스카에게 뺨따귀를 맞았다. Shinji asuka love신지한테 꼼짝 못하고 눌려 사는 아스카아스카와 신지의 첫 만남은 바다였다. 이 짤은 신지한테 하는말인지 미사토에게 하는말인지 모르겠음아마 여기까지가 미사토와의 대화인걸로 추정아래 부터는 신지와의 대화상황을 살펴보면아스카가 미사토에게 성적호기심을 가져서키스 성관계 같은 질문을 한것 같고. 고객센터 유료 15660212 무료 114 평일 090018. 코요태 멤버 신지의 결혼을 반대하는 여론이 급물살을 타고 있다. 김켄지 키 디시
꽉 변호사 실물 의원 재직 중 2019년 9월 제4 read more. 신지드 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 이카리 신지 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 신지드에 관한 이야기나 정신병자,대머리에 관한 이야기를 해주세요 신지드 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 경기도 하남시 미사강변중앙로7번안길 25풍산동 미사유테크밸리 d동 1009호. 나가하마 미츠리 자막
김설화 노래방 따르릉 애초에 항상 탈주자들을 히라코 신지 일당으로 부름여기서 탈주자 그룹은 호로화된 바이자드뿐만 아니라요루이치나 텟사이, 심지어 그 우라하라도 포함인데아이젠 본인은 묶어부를때는 항상 히라코 일당으로 호칭함항상 고독했고. Com › talk › 374539180신지 디시 반응 네이트 판. 일반 솔직히 신지 찌질하다는 건 옛날부터 이해 못했음 ㅇㅇ118. 이 짤은 신지한테 하는말인지 미사토에게 하는말인지 모르겠음아마 여기까지가 미사토와의 대화인걸로 추정아래 부터는 신지와의 대화상황을 살펴보면아스카가 미사토에게 성적호기심을 가져서키스 성관계 같은 질문을 한것 같고. 고객센터 유료 15660212 무료 114 평일 090018. 김선영 레전드 gif
꽉변 얼굴 신지 디시 반응 ㅅㅂ어디가 잘생겼는데. 애초에 항상 탈주자들을 히라코 신지 일당으로 부름여기서 탈주자 그룹은 호로화된 바이자드뿐만 아니라요루이치나 텟사이, 심지어 그 우라하라도 포함인데아이젠 본인은 묶어부를때는 항상 히라코 일당으로 호칭함항상 고독했고. 이카리 신지 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 자존심 다 눌러가며 먼저 키스 해주니까 좆도 모르고 안넘어옴대놓고 섹스하자고 꼬셨는데 안넘어옴하다못해 자기가 직접. 제가 신지 지인이었어도 이건 좀 했을텐데 오죽하면 빽가가 촬영도중 일어났을까 싶을정도임 그동안 남자때문에 고생하던거 옆에서 지켜봐왔을것이고 좋아하고 존경하는 친구가 이런 취급을 당했다싶은게 충격스러웠을것 같기도 하네요.
꼬휜남 나비문신녀 3일 문원은 자신의 인스타그램에 여러분들께 진심을 전해드리고자 이렇게 글을 쓰게 되었습니다. Ts신지와 las, lrs, lks, lss 등등 신지 커플링 대거 환영 이카리 신지 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 일반 솔직히 신지 찌질하다는 건 옛날부터 이해 못했음 ㅇㅇ118. 신지의 귀에 체온계를 꽂았다 뺀 미사토는 뜨끈뜨끈한 소년의 이마에 이마를 대어피부로 열을 재고는 걱정스러운 말투로 말했다. 팬 반응과 커뮤니티의 여론 더쿠, 디시 등 온라인 반응 신지결혼더쿠, 신지결혼디시 등 각종 커뮤니티에서는 축하와 응원의 메시지가 이어지고 있다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 7, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 7, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 7, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 7, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
이카리 신지 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.