이이경 본인의 말에 따르면, 이전에도 동시에 너댓 작품에 출연하는 등 본래 휴식기를 가지며 작품을 하는 것을 좋아하는 편이 아니라고 한다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

유재석 마음대로 했으면 갑자기 하차한 맴버들 대신 인사하게 했을까 ㅋㅋ. 지난 15일 방송된 mbc 공포 토크 예능프로그램 ‘심야괴담회’에는 이이경의 친구인 조권이 스페셜 게스트로 출연했다. 독일인 여성 a씨는 22일 최근 이이경 관련해서 이런 저런 사진을 많이 올렸다면서 처음에는 장난으로 시작했던 글이 그렇게 많이 관심을 받을 줄. 핸드폰으로 상대방 인스타 계정에서 디엠 들어가는거 화녹 아닌 오프라인으로 ‭찍어서 ‭올림.

이슈 2013년 이이경 과거 음주운전 19,959 125 무명의 더쿠 Stheqoo.

이슈 이이경 Aaa 수상소감 4,108 10 무명의 더쿠 Stheqoo.

이이경 빼고 놀뭐 하차맴버들 당시에 구설수없었는데 인사.

이이경 사생활 폭로자 Ai사진으로 조작, 장난이었다 1.

배우 이이경이 aaa 2025에서 의미심장한 수상 소감을 남겼다.. 저는 그런 방식으로 ai를 사용한 적이 없다.. 이이경 측은 a씨의 주장이 모두 사실이 아니라고 맞서고 있다.. 30 1502 덕메가 말한 내용이 좀 직접적이라서 내용은 지울게 나도 거리를 둬야겠다 목록 스크랩 0 공유..

배우 이이경에게 성적인 문자메시지를 받았다고 폭로한 여성이 폭로에 앞서 이이경 측에 돈 요구를 한 사실이 있다고 인정했다.

배우 이이경에게 성적인 문자메시지를 받았다고 폭로한 여성이 폭로에 앞서 이이경 측에 돈 요구를 한 사실이 있다고 인정했다. 2025 aaa 배우 이이경 수상 소감, 이슈 이이경 인스타 업로드 115,789 954 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 이이경 폼 미쳤다 😎🙏😎 vanner 배너 gon 곤 form 폼 formchallenge leeyikyung youtube, 배우 이이경이 결혼해you로 대세 기운을 이어간다.

딜라이트 여친 디시 이슈 유재석이 쌍욕한적 없는데 쌍욕했다고 한 이이경 109,303 332 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 전에 나온 기사처럼 상대가 자기 디엠만 다 삭제한 상황인것도 똑같음‬‬. Hours ago 케이돌토크 잡담 어제 덕메랑 좀 말다툼했는데 덕메 삐진거 같음 204 7 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 이슈 좀 많이 소름돋는 이이경 귀신본 썰. 이슈 좀 많이 소름돋는 이이경 귀신본 썰. 디시 텀 ㅇㄱㄱ

레전드야동 후장 음원 수익도 전액 기부된다고 하니 많관부. Kbs 2tv 슈퍼맨이 돌아왔다 mc 합류가 무산됐고, mbc tv 놀면 뭐하니도 3년 만에 물러났다. 엑스포츠뉴스 이예진 기자 배우 이이경 측은 사생활 루머 관련 폭로자의 입장 번복에 대해, 기존의 두 번째 입장문 내용대로 법적 대응을 이어가겠다는 뜻을 밝혔다. Days ago 27일 엑스포츠뉴스 취재 결과, 티캐스트 e채널 범죄 예능 프로그램 용감한 형사들4는 2월까지 이이경을 대신할 게스트 체제로 운영을 이어갈 예정이다. 예심을 통과한 수십 명의 참가자들이 첫 녹화에 참여할 예정이었지만 제작 환경. 레드홀릭스 움짤

랜챈 질문 이이경 사생활 폭로자가 ai로 증거사진 조작했다고 하는데 어떻게 된 일인지 정리해줘그록 답변이이경 사생활 폭로 사건 정리배우 이이경36. 아는 분들은 알겠지만 최근에 이이경 배우 관련해서 이런저런 사진을 많이 올렸다. 이슈 이이경 & 영케이 예뻤어 데이식스 듀엣 1,624 5 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 이슈 2013년 이이경 과거 음주운전 19,959 125 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 이슈 이이경 & 영케이 예뻤어 데이식스 듀엣 1,624 5 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 라이브캠샤커라인

라이브 캡션 번역 21일, 이이경 폭로자의 블로그에는 영상 하나가 게시됐다. 최근 사생활 의혹과 관련해 홍역을 치른 그는 무조건 잡는다라며 폭로자에 대한 강경 대응을 공개적. 폭로 글 작성자 a 씨가 제시한 핵심 증거는 이경배우님이라고 저장된 인물과 주고받은 메시지 캡처 화면입니다. Kr › news › articleview이이경 루머, 허위글 퍼뜨린 정체 드러나나&mldr. Netzidkbv 배우 이이경 36이 놀면 뭐하니.

딥페이크 야동 Ai 사진을 썼다면서 해당 루머가 사실이 아니라면서 사과했다. 앞서 제작진은 이이경과 관련한 사생활 의혹에 대해 경찰 수사가 진행되면서 수사 결과가 나올 때까지 녹화에 참여하지 않기로 이이경과. 음원 수익도 전액 기부된다고 하니 많관부. 앞서 제작진은 이이경과 관련한 사생활 의혹에 대해 경찰 수사가 진행되면서 수사 결과가 나올 때까지 녹화에 참여하지 않기로 이이경과. 20일 이이경 소속사 상영이엔티 관계자는 스타뉴스에 온라인에 퍼진 이이경 사생활 관련글은 완벽한 허위사실이라고 밝혔다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.