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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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유재석 이보다 더 든든할 수 없어유퀴즈 텐.

Kr › society › 20251209유재석 어쩌나조세호 하차 유퀴즈 제작진 후임 논의 중. 방송인 유재석과 함께 유퀴즈 온 더 블럭을 이끌어온 조세호가 조폭 연루 의혹으로 프로그램에서 하차한 가운데, 과거 유재석의 발언이 다시 주목. 유재석은 올해 유퀴즈는 어떨 것 같나라고 질문했다. 조세호는 이어 임파선 쪽에 염증이 크게 나서 병원에 다녀왔다 고 고백했다.

디글_유퀴즈온더블럭 유퀴즈온더블럭 유퀴즈 유재석 조세호 Tvn 나이 2021년 이십생활 유머 Diggle Original Sound Vaneisha Green Screen Video.

박나래조진웅조세호 논란, 우리가 놓치고 있는 3가지ㅣ안진용의 5답노트 문화일보 박나래 조진웅 조세호 음모론 주사이모 의혹 소년범 폭행논란 음주운전 정치권 여야공방 불법자금세탁 유재석 1박2일 유퀴즈 공식입장문 갑질논란 안진용, 유재석 유퀴즈 조세호 언급짤 실시간 베스트 갤러리, 유재석은 올해 유퀴즈는 어떨 것 같나라고 질문했다. Kr › article › 2026012996004조세호 유퀴즈 떠났는데&mldr.

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개그맨 브랜드평판 2019년 2월 빅데이터 분석 결과, 1위 이영자 2위 박나래 3위 유재석 순으로 분석되었다.

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유퀴즈 다음 사진은 팔짱끼고 찍을게요유재석, 욕망과시하는 자와 상극조세호이이경 보낸 유재석, 역술가 박성준의 뼈 때리는 조언 네이버 블로그 트렌드 이슈 27개의 글 목록열기. Com › starade › article‘조세호 하차’ 유재석, 의미심장 발언 급속 확산.

Com › popular › 유재석뉴스유재석 뉴스.. 방송인 유재석과 함께 유퀴즈 온 더 블럭을 이끌어온 조세호가 조폭 연루 의혹으로 프로그램에서 하차한 가운데, 과거 유재석의 발언이 다시 주목.. 한국기업평판연구소는 2018년 8월 1일부터 2018년 8월 31일까지의 예능인 40명의 브랜드 빅데이터 43,835,210개를 분석하여 소비자들의 예..

유재석에게 너무 감사하다는 새신랑 조세호 실시간 베스트. 소속사는 하차 소식과 함께 현재 제기된 모든 의심을 온전히 불식시키고 건강한 모습으로 돌아올 것을 약속한다라고 전했습니다. 유재석 정준하 신봉선 미주 이이경 조세호. 유퀴즈 유재석에게 너무 감사하다는 새신랑 조세호 ㄷㄷ, 조세호가 코로나19로 인해 한차례 불참했을 때.

제작진은 조세호 후임을 논의 중인 것으로 전해졌다, 유는 별 문제없고 애미뒤진 갈비견은 문제가많음 좆노잼새끼 올려치냐고 다른사람 까내리는 지금도 박명수조세호까는건 갈비견인데 갈비올려칠라고. 조세호는 이어 임파선 쪽에 염증이 크게 나서 병원에 다녀왔다 고 고백했다.

Due to the covid19 pandemic in south korea, the show will be filmed indoors instead of on the streets, and guests would be invited instead of exploring the streets to find citizens. 주머니에 전재산 13만원이 있었다고 말했다. 지난 29일 방송된 tvn 예능 유퀴즈 329회에는 역술가 박성준이 출연했다.

히토미 광고 차단 2025 Com › starade › article‘조세호 하차’ 유재석, 의미심장 발언 급속 확산. Com › @diggle › video디글_유퀴즈온더블럭유퀴즈온더블럭유퀴즈유재석조세호속기사. 폭로자의 주장에 따르면 조세호는 a씨에 고가의 선물을 받고 그의 프랜차이즈 등을 홍보해주는 등 깊은 인연을 맺었다고 말했다. 개그맨 브랜드평판 2019년 2월 빅데이터 분석 결과, 1위 이영자 2위 박나래 3위 유재석 순으로 분석되었다. 주머니에 전재산 13만원이 있었다고 말했다. 히나타 미드

환연 지현 더쿠 ㅋㅋ 각인시켜주었고 다들 양배추씨라고 부르는 와중. 같이 프로그램하는 형누나들 중에 조세호 안좋아하는 사람이 없던데. Tving 티빙 유퀴즈온더블럭 유퀴즈 유재석 조세호 박서준. 유재석 이보다 더 든든할 수 없어유퀴즈 텐. Com › munhwailbo › posts박나래조진웅조세호 논란, 우리가 놓치고 있는 3가지ㅣ안진용의 5답. 휴지심 고추 광주

회초리스팽 Com › starade › article‘조세호 하차’ 유재석, 의미심장 발언 급속 확산. You know what 이소정 텐아시아 기자가 흥미로운 방송계의 이슈를 잡아내 대중의 도파민을 자극하겠습니다. Kr › entertainment › article조세호 잃은 유재석, 하차 언급&mldr. 유퀴즈 유재석에게 너무 감사하다는 새신랑 조세호 ㄷㄷ. 유재석씨가 조세호씨 챙겨주면서 놀리는거 진심 최고 웃긴듯 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 히토미 다운로더 녹화 화질

후장 javrank 아직도 선배들에게 쩔쩔매는 캐릭터로 자리잡혔다. 조세호가 코로나19로 인해 한차례 불참했을 때. 디글_유퀴즈온더블럭 유퀴즈온더블럭 유퀴즈 유재석 조세호 tvn 나이 2021년 이십생활 유머 diggle original sound vaneisha green screen video. 유재석은 올해 유퀴즈는 어떨 것 같나라고 질문했다. 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보.

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.