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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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워홀 갔다온 사람으로서 완전 좋습니다.. 캐나다 워홀이 만35살까지 제한 늘어나서 한번 그냥 넣어봤는데 워홀 합격은 했네요ㅋ 근데 영어도 초보 수준이고 가서 3d일하면서 최종 영주권까지 따고 잘지낼수있을까 걱정도 되서 고민이 많이되네요ㅠ 일단 워홀 비자로는 최대 4년까지는 지낼수 있더라구요.. 근데 문제는 거의 80%의 한국인들이 워홀 혹은 학생비자로 어학원와서 친해질려하면 한국으로 돌아가버림ㅠㅠ 뭐 서론은 여기까지하고 나도 주위에 워홀러들 보면서 내 개인적인 워홀에 대한 생각이 정립이 됬는데 예비워홀러들에게 많은 도움이 됬으면 함..

가서 일자리가 아무리없어도 한인사장밑엔 가지마셈 착취만당하다가 돌아온다 3.

정말 너무 억울하고 억울해서 여기저기에 글 올리고 있습니다, 폭등한 렌트비 마약문제 높은세금 높은물가 등등 마냥 좋지만은 않습니다, 보통 미국미국은 일할려면 전문 비자가 필요하고 워홀보다 힘듬이나 호주 등에서 돈도 벌고, 공부주로 어학도 하고,외국 구경하며 견문을 높인다는 좋은 명분이 있음.

안정적이고 가정적이라 생각했던 여자치구와 결혼하고 나니 갑자기 캐나다로 이민을 가야한다며 닥달을 하더니 자기가 학교 다닐테니 식당가서 일하라고. 캐나다 현지 커뮤니티에서 요즘 자주 보이는 글들이 있습니다. 10년 전이긴 하지만 토론토 킹스테이션 인근 팀홀튼 매장에서 일했어요.

그래서, 캐나다 갈까로 마음이 돌아선 이유가 뭐야. 워홀 한다고 이민 노리는 건 사람마다 다르지만 가능성도 낮고. Com › board › workingholidayredirecting to sgall, 캐나다 워홀러는 잡을 어떻게 구하는가, 무계획 캐나다워홀 7일차 캐나다 마이너 갤러리.

자칭 현실주의자편집 일뽕 만화中 일뽕들은 스스로를 합리적이고 이성적으로 포장하기 위해 현실주의자라 칭하지만, 논리적으로 따져보면 오히려 극단적이며 편향적이다. 근데 문제는 거의 80%의 한국인들이 워홀 혹은 학생비자로 어학원와서 친해질려하면 한국으로 돌아가버림ㅠㅠ 뭐 서론은 여기까지하고 나도 주위에 워홀러들 보면서 내 개인적인 워홀에 대한 생각이 정립이 됬는데 예비워홀러들에게 많은 도움이 됬으면 함. 캐나다 워홀러들의 삶 캐나다 마이너 갤러리.

캐나다에서 4년가까이 살아봤음고딩때부터 유학갈려고 다 포기하고 영어만하다가 20살때 워홀신청해서 21살때 캐나다 워홀갔다가다시 학생비자로바꿔서 컬리지 3년제과정으로 입학했었음지금은 군대때문에 한국와있고 밑에글보다가 새, Com › board › workingholidayredirecting to sgall. 그리하여 이번 만큼은 나의 사회적 명예를 위하여 이 이야기부터 하기로 결정했다. 워홀 목표가 돈 영어실력 여행이라면 나는 95퍼 영어실력인데. 워킹 홀리데이 비자는 젊은 세대에게 해외에서 일하며 살아볼 수 있는 기회를 주는 매력적인 제도입니다. 영어는 가서늘릴려고하지말고 여기서 늘리고가셈 2.

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Com › mgallery › board워홀러 현실 캐나다 마이너 갤러리, 워홀 목표가 돈 영어실력 여행이라면 나는 95퍼 영어실력인데, 워킹 홀리데이 비자는 젊은 세대에게 해외에서 일하며 살아볼 수 있는 기회를 주는 매력적인 제도입니다, 워홀 한다고 이민 노리는 건 사람마다 다르지만 가능성도 낮고. 캐나다 워홀 현실_ 비용, 신청방법, 나이, 자격, 비자 총정리 네이버 블로그 캐나다워홀 6개의 글 목록열기. 나의 캐나다 워킹홀리데이 일기는 주로 시간 순서대로 작성된다.

나는 조그만 음마 친해지면서 영어배우기 좋다 festival 진짜진짜 일회성 만남. 33살에 캐나다 워홀가는거 어떻게 생각하세요. 자칭 현실주의자편집 일뽕 만화中 일뽕들은 스스로를 합리적이고 이성적으로 포장하기 위해 현실주의자라 칭하지만, 논리적으로 따져보면 오히려 극단적이며 편향적이다. 라고 물어보신다면 저는 목표 하나를 정했기 때문인데요. 춥고, 건조하고, 아직은 모든 게 낯설지만 이런 날도 필요한 것 같아요. 깐숙 얼굴

꼬리뼈 튀어 나옴 디시 첫번째는 진짜 한국에서 순수하게 캐나다에서 알바하며 관광하고 경험을 하려는 애들. 워킹홀리데이에 대한 경험과 정보를 공유하는 디시인사이드 갤러리입니다. 처음에 캐나다 워홀 신청을 한 계기는 코로나 전 캐나다 워홀 인비를 받았지만 포기하고 3년 넘게 외국을 가지 못하면서 엄청 후회했기 때문이에요. 라고 물어보신다면 저는 목표 하나를 정했기 때문인데요. Com › mgallery › board캐나다 워홀러들의 삶 캐나다 마이너 갤러리. 김유연 누드

낙서 섹트 어차피 시작은 현실도피였으므로 그냥 어디든 떠나고 싶었고 그래서 정한 곳이 캐나다 밴쿠버였을 뿐 꼭 캐나다 밴쿠버여야만 했던. 다음 이야기는 친구없이 지낸 어학원 초기, 캐나다 외톨이에 대한 이야기다. 캐나다 워홀 현실_ 비용, 신청방법, 나이, 자격, 비자 총정리. 캐나다 현지 커뮤니티에서 요즘 자주 보이는 글들이 있습니다. Com › moon_doong › 223358531749캐나다 워홀 솔직후기 2 job 구하기의 현실 네 현실적으로 씁니다. 나는 찬미 노출

김우유mooyoo onlyfans 워홀 한다고 이민 노리는 건 사람마다 다르지만 가능성도 낮고. 처음에 캐나다 워홀 신청을 한 계기는 코로나 전 캐나다 워홀 인비를 받았지만 포기하고 3년 넘게 외국을 가지 못하면서 엄청 후회했기 때문이에요. 워킹 홀리데이 비자는 젊은 세대에게 해외에서 일하며 살아볼 수 있는 기회를 주는 매력적인 제도입니다. 33살에 캐나다 워홀가는거 어떻게 생각하세요. 그들은 그닥 사교성 넘치지 않는다 하지만 다들 영어는 잘한다.

까마귀는 반짝이는 것을 좋아해 무료보기 미리보기 보통 한 300 정도 주고 어학원에서 대충 적응하는 기간 가지는 애들이 많음. 워킹홀리데이에 대한 경험과 정보를 공유하는 디시인사이드 갤러리입니다. 친해지면서 영어배우기 좋다 festival 진짜진짜 일회성 만남. 하지만 그렇다고 뭐 거창한 것을 생각했던 것도 아니었다. 하지만 매년 비자 신청자 중 일부는 서류 미비, 조건 누락, 단순 실수로 인해 아쉽게 거절을 경험합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.