Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

당은 최대한 안먹고 대체당도 잘 안씀인바디해보니까체지방률은 40%근육량은 73kg 나옴내장지방은 수치 10까지가 정상인데 16혈당은 100언저리300후반. 결국 탄수화물인데 뭐 밀가루 쫌 더 안좋을진 몰라도는 안되고 쌀밥은 된다 이런식인것 같은데, 설마 뭐 우리쌀은 신토불이라 먹어도 되고 밀가루는 해롭다 뭐 제발. 저탄고지 탄수화물을 존나게 제한하고 지방이랑 단백질을 많이처먹는 다이어트방법 다이어트 효과 ㅆㅅㅌㅊ 구라안치고 처음시작 일주일만에 3키로 쫙빠짐 초반 효과 존나오짐. 그리고 생리기간에 몸이 수분을 잡고있어서 몸무게가 올라가고 안빠짐.

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저탄고지 탄수화물을 존나게 제한하고 지방이랑 단백질을 많이처먹는 다이어트방법 다이어트 효과 ㅆㅅㅌㅊ 구라안치고 처음시작 일주일만에 3키로 쫙빠짐 초반 효과 존나오짐, 다이어트에 가장 영향력을 미치는 것 같음. Com › woorimediclinic › 223071491829네이버 블로그.

두번째 이유는 운동 후 회복과정에서 근육 내 글리코겐의 증가 입니다.. 전역하고 놀러다니느라 안그래도 돼지였는데 더 찐 거같아서한달동안 식단도 꾸준히하고 운동도 주34일 꾸준히 갔는데뚜렷한 변화가 없다심지오 몸무게는 그대로임체지방 줄어들고 골격근량 조금 올랐다고 좋아하기엔그냥 다음날.. 근데 몸무게가 줄어들수록 확 티가나기 때문에 요샌 거의.. Com › healthy_focus › 223807782786적게 먹어도 살 안 빠지는 이유..

하얼굴살이랑 뱃살 너무 맘에안드네 식단이 너무어렵다. 만약 지방조직의 기능에 이상이 생겨 지방을 제때 끄집어내지 못하는 몸으로 바뀌면 체지방이 줄어들지 않게 되죠, 잘못된 다이어트 방법은 본인이 깨닫기 힘듭니다, 결국 탄수화물인데 뭐 밀가루 쫌 더 안좋을진 몰라도는 안되고 쌀밥은 된다 이런식인것 같은데, 설마 뭐 우리쌀은 신토불이라 먹어도 되고 밀가루는 해롭다 뭐 제발, 매크로에서 칼로리 채무 20% 설정하고 read more.

탑후니

몸무게는 변화 없지만, 살이 빠지고 있다는 신호, 어느 날 체중계를 봤더니 몸무게가 1kg 빠졌더라고요. 다이어트 시작 일주일 넘었는데 1키로도 안줄어 비만. 8kg의 글리코겐도 수분과 함께 내보내는데, 탄수화물을 적게 보충해주니 회복이 안되거든요, 자기 체중의 1% 로 잡으면 되는데 만약 자기가 100 키로라면 일주일에 1키로씩 깎는다고 생각하면 됌. 1번 가설, 하루 칼로리를 너무 적게 먹었다.

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한달 150이면 나름 열심히 뛰었는데, 체중이 안빠져 ㅠ 러닝, 다이어트 일주일인데 살이 안빠지는 이유 네이버 지식in. 일주일에 3회 이상 러닝조깅, 5k 정도4. 살 1kg을 감량하는 것보단 근육 1kg 감량이 쉽습니다. 유퀴즈온더블럭 얼굴살부터 빠지면 수분&근 손실의 신호, 초반에 수분 빠지고 거의 안 빠지는 느낌인데그래프 있음.

여자가 더 살 찌우기 쉽다는 것도 그리고 살 빼기도 어렵다는 것도 알았는데 그럼 어떻게 해야하느냐.. 자기 체중의 1% 로 잡으면 되는데 만약 자기가 100 키로라면 일주일에 1키로씩 깎는다고 생각하면 됌.. dc official app 틀렸다는게 아니라, 저런 사람들 보면 꼭 밀가루는 까는데, 쌀밥 먹지 말라는 소리는 안하더라..

지방은 남성에게 있어서 많이 있으면 둔해지기 때문에 필요가 없기 때문, 다이어트 초반에는 잘 빠졌는데, 어느 순간 멈췄어요. 즉, 코에서 턱 부위인 하안부가 얼굴 전체에서 차지하는 비율이 상대적으로 짧아야 동안상에 가깝다.

적게 먹음삭센다 맞음, 밤에 안 먹음2, 적게 먹음삭센다 맞음, 밤에 안 먹음2, 454 8 매일 한시간한시간반 근력만 하는 헬린이 사람많아서 분할보단 기구 비는대로 하는데 유산소 안하면 살 안빠짐. 두번째, 열심히 다이어트를 하는데 안 빠진다면, 식단은 딱히안함 난임치료휴가 및 급여 지원, 지사제는 대변이 나오는 걸 막도록 하는 역할을 하는데, 세균성 설사일 경우 이 세균이 빠져나가지 않게 되면서 증상이 악화된다.

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트위터 뚱녀 섹트 팔레오, 당질제한, 간헐적단식 통합 저탄고지 다이어트 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨 그만큼 몸이 쓰레기였고, 살은 안빠지는거 같아도 그만큼 몸이. 한달 150이면 나름 열심히 뛰었는데, 체중이 안빠져 ㅠ 러닝. 필자 주변 사람들 중에서 다이어트에 성공했다 하는 사람들도 대부분 거의. Com › yoon6460 › 223580232863운동 후 체중증가, 살 안빠지는 이유 네이버 블로그. 저상태에서도 살 안빠지는 사람은 식욕이 모든걸 초월한 사람이지. 트위동 가

트위터 길티 우리가 노력한 만큼 살이 안빠진다면, 그냥 포기하지 마시고, 오늘알려드린 5가지 중에 원인이 있지 않은지 체크해보시면 좋을거. Com › healthy_focus › 223807782786적게 먹어도 살 안 빠지는 이유. 운동 후 체중증가, 살 안빠지는 이유 블로그 naver. 저상태에서도 살 안빠지는 사람은 식욕이 모든걸 초월한 사람이지. 혹시나 다음에도 같은 자극에 놀라지 않도록 글리코겐이라는 비상금을. 토요코키즈 av

트위터 p1co_1 다이어트 방법의 오류 아무리 그래도 나는 평소보다 뭔가를 많이 해봤는데도 잘 안 빠지더라, 하신다면 방법이 아예 잘못되었을 가능성도 고려해 보아야 합니다. 1번 가설, 하루 칼로리를 너무 적게 먹었다. 저탄고지 탄수화물을 존나게 제한하고 지방이랑 단백질을 많이처먹는 다이어트방법 다이어트 효과 ㅆㅅㅌㅊ 구라안치고 처음시작 일주일만에 3키로 쫙빠짐 초반 효과 존나오짐. 췌장의 인슐린 생산세포베타세포의 일부 또는 전부가 파괴되는 병이기에 환자는 치료를 받기 전까지는 몸 안에 인슐린이 희박하거나 전혀 없는 상태에 놓이게 되며, 정상 read more. Com › healthy_focus › 223807782786적게 먹어도 살 안 빠지는 이유. 트위터 남자시오후키

트위터 닷컴 초반에 수분 빠지고 거의 안 빠지는 느낌인데그래프 있음. 저탄고지 탄수화물을 존나게 제한하고 지방이랑 단백질을 많이처먹는 다이어트방법 다이어트 효과 ㅆㅅㅌㅊ 구라안치고 처음시작 일주일만에 3키로 쫙빠짐 초반 효과 존나오짐. 그리고 기초대사량 낮아보이는데칼로리 9001000 더낮출 생가업나. 유퀴즈온더블럭 얼굴살부터 빠지면 수분&근 손실의 신호. 팔레오, 당질제한, 간헐적단식 통합 저탄고지 다이어트 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨 안빠지고 아무리 먹어도 안빠지는 체중대가 존재함.

태로 시작하는 단어 확실히 몸무게가 줄 수록 더디게 빠지는 건 맞음. 초반에 수분 빠지고 거의 안 빠지는 느낌인데그래프 있음. 일반 저탄고지 시작했는ㄷ 살이 안빠져요. 젙고식단한지 일주일 됐는데 왜 살이 안빠질까 저탄고지. 예상은 5kg는 빠진 줄 알았는데 여태까지 내가 한 노력이 부정당한 느낌이었어요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.