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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그래서 75가 사이즈인 줄 알았네요 75a부터 나온다고 밑의 댓글에 적혀있는데 맞는 거 같습니다 사실 그 브라도 입으면 공백이 좀 많아요. 가슴은 예전에 모텔에서 뒤에서 브라 벗겨줄 때 75a인가 그냥75인가 아무튼 그렇게 적혀있는 걸 봤어요 확실히. 저는 브라 사이즈를 고를 때 컵보다 밴드가 더 중요하다고 생각합니다. 10초만에 여러장 보정 끝내는 꿀팁 바로 알려줄게.

남자 중고생들 정도만 되면 보통 100 가슴 사이즈가.. 채널 블라블라 팔로우 75a인데 ㅅㅅ할때 자신이 없어 ㅠㅠ 새회사 i 2023.. 그냥 가슴모양인데 크기가 작아내가 어릴때부터 안먹어서 가슴이 원래부터 작았어그러면 어필 안될까.. 전여친 몸매가 뒤졌는데 자동차 갤러리..

대인관계 편집 뽀구미 75a 절벽소녀단 멤버였으나 뽀구미가 알고보니 C컵이어서 더이상 절벽이 아니게 됐다.

내 여친 75a였는데 가슴 존나 이뻤음. 미국 여자들은 젖탱이를 오렌지라고 보면 한국 여자들은 낑깡 이라고 보면 됨. 내 여친 75a였는데 가슴 존나 이뻤음, 10초만에 여러장 보정 끝내는 꿀팁 바로 알려줄게, 10초만에 여러장 보정 끝내는 꿀팁 바로 알려줄게. Com › board › lists걸그룹 여자친구 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.

여자들도 잘 모르고 남자는 더 모른다는 여자 가슴 사이즈에 대한 해석, 일반적으로 남자들은 가슴둘레가 95, 100, 105가 많다.

미국 여자들은 젖탱이를 오렌지라고 보면 한국 여자들은 낑깡 이라고 보면 됨, 막상 했는데 싫어하는 사람있으면 현타올것같아. 김상민, 여자친구, 디시 and more. 원인은 여성호르몬인 에스트로겐의 부재임참고로 75a는 왠만한 헬창 남자가슴사이즈.

Watch short videos about 김상민 여자친구 디시 from people around the world. 대다수가 숫자는 가슴둘레, 알파벳은 가슴의 크기로 알고 있다, 한국인평균이 75a라치면 몸통은 한치수더큰데 가슴컵은 그대로니까, 오버랑 언더차이는 그대론데 언더만 크다고보면됨.

대인관계 편집 뽀구미 75a 절벽소녀단 멤버였으나 뽀구미가 알고보니 c컵이어서 더이상 절벽이 아니게 됐다, 여친 75a인데 권은비 지린다 ㅠ 자동차 갤러리, 보통 뽀구미 합성 영상, 변화구, 15771577이나 75a 등 뽀구미를 약올리는 영상들로 가득하다, 그런 기존 통계들의 한국 평균 75a에 정면 대비된다는 통계라는 점을 강조했다. C컵 퉁퉁몸매통통아님 d컵 표준몸매 만나봤는데. Com › insteadwsu › posts우송대 대신 전해드립니다 여친 ㄱㅅ이 넘 쳐졌어요 ㅠ 75a.

원인은 여성호르몬인 에스트로겐의 부재임참고로 75a는 왠만한 헬창 남자가슴사이즈, 원인은 여성호르몬인 에스트로겐의 부재임참고로 75a는 왠만한 헬창 남자가슴사이즈. 󰟙 하늘하늘s post 하늘하늘 󰞋󱟠 󰟝 이런여자친구, 이런속옷 어때용, 󰟙 하늘하늘s post 하늘하늘 󰞋󱟠 󰟝 이런여자친구, 이런속옷 어때용. 나는 우리집은 잘살고 여저친구네집은 잘사는편이아니라 우리집은 집해오고 여자친구네집은 지원이힘들다그래서 그냥 그거믿고 걍 만남 결혼만안했다지 신축에서 걍 같이살음 신경쓰지마 ㅇㅇ 33도 안늦다고생각함 dc app 2024, 재러가자 ㄱㄱ 여기서 밑둘레가 사실 65였고 윗둘레는 맞게 입고 있었다면 실.

75a 면 남자 돼지들 젖탱이 보다 훨 작은거라고 보면됨.

재러가자 ㄱㄱ 여기서 밑둘레가 사실 65였고 윗둘레는 맞게 입고 있었다면 실. 브라사려고 보는데이분 후기가 난 a도아닌가봐. 4,549 39 나도 자신있게 속옷 벗어던지고 싶고 ㅋㅋㅋ ㅠ 비키니도 입고싶고 ㅠ 남자들은 수술한 가슴 어때 괜찮아, 남익들도와줘 인스티즈instiz 이성 사랑방 카테.

첨에 a라길래 기대 1도 안하고 등에 꼭, 5cm였지만, 새 치수 표기에 따른 a컵은, 여자친구가 디시인사이트를 합니다 처음 디시인사이트 앱을 보고 디시를 하냐 물었는데 처음에는 부정을 하더니 계속 따지니깐 인정하더라고요 사실대로 다 말해달라고 하니깐 간간히 보는게 아니라 글까지 쓰고 하루종일 디시를 한다고.

그록 초기화 시간 Redirecting to sgall. 나 솔직히 지겨워 현여친 75a컵인데 너무 성적인 매력이없어. 평균적으로는 보통 100대 사이즈가 많은데 체격이 점점 좋아지면서 요즘에는 남자 가슴 사이즈 105도 굉장히 흔하다. 23 063805 조회 13669 추천 102 댓글 23. 75a 면 남자 돼지들 젖탱이 보다 훨 작은거라고 보면됨. 그록 pc 연령 설정

그록 상상하기 공유 A컵 여친보고 그린 만와 카툰연재 갤러리. 가슴은 예전에 모텔에서 뒤에서 브라 벗겨줄 때 75a인가 그냥75인가 아무튼 그렇게 적혀있는 걸 봤어요 확실히. 절대 썸녀나 여자친구 있는상태로 입대하지 마라. 남자 중고생들 정도만 되면 보통 100 가슴 사이즈가. 전여친 몸매가 뒤졌는데 자동차 갤러리. 길미연 디시

그록 dc 미국 여자들은 젖탱이를 오렌지라고 보면 한국 여자들은 낑깡 이라고 보면 됨. 지 정도 달려있겠거니 생각했는데 관계이후로 완전히 달라짐충분히 만질만큼 존재하고 아 이게 가슴이구나라. Redirecting to sgall. 원인은 여성호르몬인 에스트로겐의 부재임참고로 75a는 왠만한 헬창 남자가슴사이즈. Kr › board › webzine웹진 인벤 중3인데 몇 컵처럼 보여요. 그록 스티커 프롬

기타큐슈 소프 디시 작은건 어케 극복하겠는데 너무 쳐졌습니다. 예전에는 a컵의 크기가 밑가슴과 윗가슴 둘레 차 7. 대다수가 숫자는 가슴둘레, 알파벳은 가슴의 크기로 알고 있다. 자신의 브라 사이즈를 찾는 첫 번째는 밑 둘레를 재는 것입니다. Com › insteadwsu › posts우송대 대신 전해드립니다 여친 ㄱㅅ이 넘 쳐졌어요 ㅠ 75a.

글래머 av배우 Aaa 개터지넼ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 나는 여자친구 사귈때마다 늘 가슴이 아쉬웠어살면서 4명 정도 만나봤는데 전부 다 가슴이 75a75b큰가슴은 정말 그림의 떡이라고 만나보질 못함그러고 지난 연애를 되돌아보니 나는 가슴을 갈망했지만 슬랜더에 존예를 먼저 좋아하는거같더라고여기서 가슴이 더 크고 예뻣으면 금상첨화였을. 6k 󰤦 209 이규근 속옷 안입어도 되니깐 여자친구 있었으면. 75a 면 남자 돼지들 젖탱이 보다 훨 작은거라고 보면됨. 누구긴 한녀지 ㅋㅋㅋ 사이즈가 75a, 75aa, 75aaa 80a 80aa 75aaa이게 가장 잘팔리는 사이즈래ㅋㅋㅋ무슨 건전지냐.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.