Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이돈호 변호사는 어떤 분야의 전문성을 가지고 있나요. 그는 전통적인 법률 서비스를 넘어서 디지털 미디어를 통한 법률 대중화에도 앞장서고 있어 법조계에서 주목받는 인물입니다. 인천 송도에 위치한 이 사무소는 비대면을 기본으로 하는 재택근무 체제를 도입했으며, 줌 zoom과 노션 notion 같은 it 플랫폼을 적극 활용해 사건을 진행하고. 이돈호 변호사가 이끄는 노바법률사무소는 기존의 전통적인 법률사무소의 틀을 깨고 있습니다.

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분류 이돈호 1988년 출생 포항시 출신 인물 대한민국의 남성 유튜버 법조 유튜버 영신고등학교 대구 출신 성균관대학교 출신 경북대학교 법학전문대학원 출신 인터넷 밈인터넷 방송인대한민국 변호사시험 출신9회 이슈 유튜버. 그는 전통적인 법률 서비스를 넘어서 디지털 미디어를 통한 법률 대중화에도 앞장서고 있어 법조계에서 주목받는 인물입니다. 끊임없는 자기 계발 이돈호 변호사의 또 다른 특징은 끊임없는 자기 계발입니다, 학력연세대학교 법학전문대학원 법학전문박사 기타 재학 중, 노바법률사무소 대표변호사 이돈호 사업자 등록번호 20 통신판매업 신고번호 2026인천연수구0200 주소 22219 인천 미추홀구 한나루로 436, 두원빌딩 3층 301호 이메일 nova@novalaw.

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끊임없이 배우고 성장하며, 보다 전문적인 지식을, 성균관대학교 법과대학 법학 학사 경북대학교 법학전문대학원 법학 전문석사. 📞문의 사건 문의 01026974047 비즈니스 문의 nova@novalaw. 그는 형사법, 민사법, 가사법 등을 전문으로 하며, 다양한 사례를 통해 풍부한 경험을 쌓았습니다.

다크멜돔 Com › investmos › 223960632766이돈호 변호사 네이버 블로그. 그는 전통적인 법률 서비스를 넘어서 디지털 미디어를 통한 법률 대중화에도 앞장서고 있어 법조계에서 주목받는 인물입니다. 지난 23일 이돈호 변호사는 자신의 유튜브 채널을 통해 국세청 조사결과 차은우의 모친이 설립한 법인을 통해 소득을 분산처리하려 했다는 세금을 회피. 대한민국 법조계에 새로운 바람을 일으키고 있는 이돈호 변호사는 단순한 법률 전문가를 넘어 사회적 영향력을 가진 인물로 자리 잡고 있습니다. 분류 1988년 출생 포항시 출신 인물 대한민국의 법조인 대한민국의 변호사 대한민국의 남성 방송인 대한민국의 남성 유튜버 법조 유튜버 영신고등학교 대구 출신 성균관대학교 출신 경북대학교 법학전문대학원 출신 인터넷 밈인터넷 방송인대한민국 더 보기. 다크걸 오류

대구 글로리홀 2025 쿠팡 개인정보유출사고 피해자 약 2. 이돈호 변호사 @lawyer_dono instagram. 세상 읽기 이돈호 노바 법률사무소 대표변호사. 이뿐만이었으면 좋겠지만, 1년꼴로 큰 사기 사건이 터져 시민의 눈물이 바다를 이룬다. Com법조계의 새로운 바람, 이돈호 변호사 정보. 단골집 에이스 존예녀

댄스팀 누드 끊임없는 자기 계발 이돈호 변호사의 또 다른 특징은 끊임없는 자기 계발입니다. 법인 명의여도 개인 소득차은우, 200억 탈세 의혹 법조계. @dangbu 이돈호 변호사 변호사 이돈호 당부 당부쌤 자청 2024. Kr › team › leedonho이돈호 대표변호사 노바법률사무소. 2025 쿠팡 개인정보유출사고 피해자 약 2. 니케 무 검열 사이트

농협은행 6급 현실 디시 자청을 옹호하는 당부쌤과의 토론 2편, 저는 착한사람 같아요 feat. 노바법률사무소 대표변호사 이돈호 사업자 등록번호 20 통신판매업 신고번호 2026인천연수구0200 주소 22219 인천 미추홀구 한나루로 436, 두원빌딩 3층 301호 이메일 nova@novalaw. 좋아요 80개,이돈호 변호사 lawyer @lawyer_dono 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 임성근 전과 6범 논란, 과한 비난일까 당연한 걸까. 그냥 저냥 공부는 했는데 특출날거 없는 노력형 인재라 그런가 토론할때 번뜩이는 그런게 없네 dc official app. 노바법률사무소 대표변호사 이돈호 사업자 등록번호 20 통신판매업 신고번호 2026인천연수구0200 주소 22219 인천 미추홀구 한나루로 436, 두원빌딩 3층 301호 이메일 nova@novalaw.

달리아 콘스탄스 알쓸신법 이돈호 변호사 이돈호 변호사는 현재 대한민국의 대표적인 형사전문 변호사 중 한 명으로, 노바 nova법률사무소의 대표변호사로 활동하고 있습니다. 대구불로초등학교 졸업 경북대학교사범대학부설중학교 졸업 영신고등학교 졸업 성균관대학교 사회과학대학. 이돈호 변호사가 이끄는 노바법률사무소는 기존의 전통적인 법률사무소의 틀을 깨고 있습니다. 이돈호 변호사는 어떤 분야의 전문성을 가지고 있나요. Days ago 경상북도 포항시 출신 변호사, 유튜버 이돈호 李敦鎬 1988년생, 37세 노바법률사무소.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.