내가 봐도 내 얼굴은 이상하게 생겼어요.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

추워서 얼굴 전체가 빨개지고도 신나게 놀았던 첫눈 오던 날☃️ 엄마에게는 임신기간부터 지금까지 세번째 눈오는 날 유준이에게는 첫눈✨. Comissue340015857저번 에피소드에서 킹키 잘생겼다고 한 슬픔이 피디인스타 개설했는데유일한 팔로잉. Net › zoomin62 › gno8daum 카페. 할리우드 스타 퀸가비를 위한 530명의 매니저와 쉬지 않는 ‘잡도리’는 허구일지도 모른다.

06 102803 댓글돌이 디시트렌드 화보카리나, 광고 현장에서 청량미 발산자연스러움 속 빛나는 미모 속보 소방청, 금호타이어 광주공장 화재에 국가소방동원령 1 20 개개.

그리고 이어지는 수많은 추측들 Pd Like의 기원과 이유 세계관 정리 영상에서 말한 적 있어서 이 부분만 따로 가져와봤습니다類 풀영상은유튜브에서퀸가비.

할리우드 스타 퀸가비를 위한 530명의 매니저와 쉬지.. 진짜 슬픔이 피디 디테일 미쳤음 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.. 살이 흰눈에 반사된 탓인지 얼굴이 붉으스레 타 있었다..

웹예능계에서 좀처럼 보기 드문 페이크 다큐멘터리 형식의 콘텐츠 의 팬들에게는 ‘pd Like’ 혹은 ‘슬픔이 Pd’라는 애칭으로 알려져 있다.

웹예능계에서 좀처럼 보기 드문 페이크 다큐멘터리 형식의 콘텐츠 의 팬들에게는 ‘pd like’ 혹은 ‘슬픔이 pd’라는 애칭으로 알려져 있다. 이슈 디바마을 퀸가비 도쿄돔 한 번 서겠다는 퀸가비 잡도리하는 슬픔이 피디. 마포구청이 용역을 동원해 아현동 포장마차 골목을 철거하고 있다는 급한 소식입니다.

6 가비와 또또는 둘 다 자신보다 나이가 어린 mz피디 인줄 알았다고 한다. 모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성시간24, Com › talk › 373936316트위터하는애들 지금 퀸가비 럭키비ㅊ논란 어케생각함. Likes, 0 comments daepa.

꽉 찼어요 남가주 정기총회회장 이취임식 성황.. 내가 봐도 내 얼굴은 이상하게 생겼어요..

드디어 인스타 개설한 피디라잌 아이디 슬픔이_피디그리고첫게시물떼인돈 있어서 쓴 인스타그리고 눈에 띄는 팔로잉 숫자 1피디라잌 그래도 의리로퀸가비는 팔로잉 하는ㄱ어.

마포구청이 용역을 동원해 아현동 포장마차 골목을 철거하고 있다는 급한 소식입니다, 할리우드 스타 퀸가비를 위한 530명의 매니저와 쉬지. 31조회수39,622 목록 댓글 199 글자크기 작게가 가 출처 여성시대 잊혀진간절기 드디어 인스타 개설한 피디라잌 아이디 슬픔이_피디 그리고 첫게시물 떼인돈 있어서 쓴 인스타 그리고 눈에 띄는 팔로잉 숫자 1 피디라잌 그래도 의리로. 꽉 찼어요 남가주 정기총회회장 이취임식 성황. 브루클린 베컴이 소셜미디어를 통해 부모와의 절연을 선언. 슬픔이pd의 대사는 아니고, 퀸가비 가 슬픔이pd를 부르는 애칭이다.

살이 흰눈에 반사된 탓인지 얼굴이 붉으스레 타 있었다, 웹예능계에서 좀처럼 보기 드문 페이크 다큐멘터리 형식의 콘텐츠 〈디바마을 퀸가비〉의 팬들에게는 ‘pd like’ 혹은 ‘슬픔이 pd’라는 애칭으로 알려져 있다, Net › zoomin62 › gno8daum 카페. Likes, 0 comments daepa.

우여곡절 끝에 감정본부로 다시 돌아온 기쁨이는 라일리가 부모님에게 자신의 힘들고 슬픈 감정을 충분히 털어놓을 수 있게 슬픔이에게 자신의 자리를.

드디어 인스타 개설한 피디라잌 아이디 슬픔이_피디그리고첫게시물떼인돈 있어서 쓴 인스타그리고 눈에 띄는 팔로잉 숫자 1피디라잌 그래도 의리로퀸가비는 팔로잉 하는ㄱ어, 우여곡절 끝에 감정본부로 다시 돌아온 기쁨이는 라일리가 부모님에게 자신의 힘들고 슬픈 감정을 충분히 털어놓을 수 있게 슬픔이에게 자신의 자리를, 그리고 이어지는 수많은 추측들 pd like의 기원과 이유 세계관 정리 영상에서 말한 적 있어서 이 부분만 따로 가져와봤습니다類 풀영상은유튜브에서퀸가비, 여진솔 4인의 pd로 구성된 예능제작스튜디오 ‘커들리 스튜디오’ pd이자 공동대표.

포켓몬스터 za 야짤 성형 수술 보다는 이게 난데 어떡할 거야. Com › talk › 373936316트위터하는애들 지금 퀸가비 럭키비ㅊ논란 어케생각함. 17k likes, 68 comments sadness. 어렵사리 하 동문을 la 한인타운에서 만났다. 여진솔 4인의 pd로 구성된 예능제작스튜디오 ‘커들리 스튜디오’ pd이자 공동대표. 포켓몬 mz 단 거절

펨 발로 그 스타일이 도달 가능미였다니 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. Pdlike on novem 본인은 다 벗고다니지만👙 우리는 따뜻하게 입고다니라며 고가의 패딩 제작진 다 사주는 👑퀸가비👑 🫶💙사랑할래💙🫶 편집이오늘따라잘되네 loveyou. 할리우드 스타 퀸가비를 위한 530명의 매니저와 쉬지. 31조회수39,622 목록 댓글 199 글자크기 작게가 가 출처 여성시대 잊혀진간절기 드디어 인스타 개설한 피디라잌 아이디 슬픔이_피디 그리고 첫게시물 떼인돈 있어서 쓴 인스타 그리고 눈에 띄는 팔로잉 숫자 1 피디라잌 그래도 의리로. 할리우드 스타 퀸가비를 위한 530명의 매니저와 쉬지 않는 ‘잡도리’는 허구일지도 모른다. 포켓몬 야한 만화

포풍추영 torrent 할리우드 스타 퀸가비를 위한 530명의 매니저와 쉬지 않는 ‘잡도리’는 허구일지도 모른다. 웹예능계에서 좀처럼 보기 드문 페이크 다큐멘터리 형식의 콘텐츠 의 팬들에게는 ‘pd like’ 혹은 ‘슬픔이 pd’라는 애칭으로 알려져 있다. 1,030 likes, 14 comments sadness. 06 102803 댓글돌이 디시트렌드 화보카리나, 광고 현장에서 청량미 발산자연스러움 속 빛나는 미모 속보 소방청, 금호타이어 광주공장 화재에 국가소방동원령 1 20 개개. 웹예능계에서 좀처럼 보기 드문 페이크 다큐멘터리 형식의 콘텐츠 의 팬들에게는 ‘pd like’ 혹은 ‘슬픔이 pd’라는 애칭으로 알려져 있다. 펨돔챈

페리스코프 야동 6 가비와 또또는 둘 다 자신보다 나이가 어린 mz피디 인줄 알았다고 한다. 여진솔 4인의 pd로 구성된 예능제작스튜디오 ‘커들리 스튜디오’ pd이자 공동대표. 추워서 얼굴 전체가 빨개지고도 신나게 놀았던 첫눈 오던 날☃️ 엄마에게는 임신기간부터 지금까지 세번째 눈오는 날 유준이에게는 첫눈✨. Com › mgallery › board싱글벙글 징원영 한테 럭키비치 드립 싱글벙글 지구촌 마이너 갤러. 모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성시간24.

품번넷 모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성시간24. Likes, 0 comments daepa. 1,030 likes, 14 comments sadness. 어렵사리 하 동문을 la 한인타운에서 만났다. 우여곡절 끝에 감정본부로 다시 돌아온 기쁨이는 라일리가 부모님에게 자신의 힘들고 슬픈 감정을 충분히 털어놓을 수 있게 슬픔이에게 자신의 자리를.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.