️ 포레스텔라 부산콘서트 홍보하는 고우림.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

지금 예스24티켓에서 판매중이고 원덬이는 갑니다💚 ૮₍ ง ᵕᴗᵕ₎აว ૮₍ ง ᵕᴗᵕ₎აว ૮₍ ง ᵕᴗᵕ₎აว. 이날은 저녁 늦게까지 하루종일 비가 쏟아졌다. 황효이 온라인기자 hoyful@kyunghyang. 7월말 제주도 흑돼지집,종달리에 있는 조개집등 김연아 고우림 싸인이 올라옴 지난주 고우림 인스타그램 제주 종달리 음식점 어제 김연아 인스타그램 제주 종달리 카페.

기사뉴스 고우림, 오늘 19일 전역♥김연아 곰신 생활 끝났다.

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Hours ago 이슈 형들에게 와인🍷 선물하는 포레스텔라 고우림 근데 굉장히 뽀짝뽀짝한. 6월 18일 방송되는 mbc ‘라디오스타’ 기획 강영선 연출 김명엽, 황윤상, 변다희는 김태균, 천록담, 이대형, 고우림이 출연하는‘미스터 보이스’ 특집으로 꾸며진다, 이슈 아무래도 결혼이 처음이었던 김연아고우림 부부 🥹 119,753 333 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 아버지 고경수3, 어머니4, 형 1986년생5. 서장훈은 고우림이 신동엽에게 감사한 일이 있다고. 이슈 척추 수술비용 2300만원 아낀 포레스텔라 고우림.

단독 피겨여왕 김연아 ♥ 팬텀싱어 고우림, 사랑에 빠졌다.

궁궐에 갓 들어온 주인공 무원조武元照를 조작해 온갖 궁중의 음모와 암투를 이겨내 read more. 두 사람은 2018년 ‘올댓스케이트 아이스쇼’에서 처음 만났고, 3년간 교제 끝에 부부의 연을 맺었다, 속보김연아 결혼 고우림 군대 입대군면제더쿠 국제뉴스, 2020년 기독교 관련 유튜브 채널인 뉴스앤조이에서 고경수 목사를 소개한 영상도 재조명받고 있는데요. 전현무가 고우림과의 친분을 밝히며 녹화 전에 연락이 와 유일하게 부러운 유부남 동생이라고 문자를 보냈다고 말한다.

고우림은 ‘팬텀싱어2’ 우승 이후 크로스오버 그룹 포레스텔라의 멤버로 활동하며 국내외 팬들의 큰 사랑을 받았다. 한편 고우림은 지난 10월 전 피겨스케이팅 선수 김연아와 결혼했다. 그리고 지난 1년반을 read more.

고우림은 김연아로부터 먼저 ‘dm 다이렉트 메시지’를 받았다며, 메시지의 정체를 밝히는가 하면 ‘4년간의 비밀 연애’ 스토리도 전해 기대가 쏠린다, 피겨퀸 김연아 나이 32가 오는 10월 포레스텔라 고우림과 결혼소식을 전한 가운데 군 입대, 군대, 군면제, 더쿠, 친형 등의 키워드가 화제다. 고우림은 ‘팬텀싱어2’ 우승 이후 크로스오버 그룹 포레스텔라의 멤버로 활동하며 국내외 팬들의 큰 사랑을 받았다, 6월 18일 방송되는 mbc ‘라디오스타’ 기획 강영선 연출 김명엽, 황윤상, 변다희는 김태균, 천록담, 이대형, 고우림이 출연하는‘미스터 보이스’ 특집으로 꾸며진다.

고우림, 결혼 3년차에도 싸움 0회 ♥김연아, 내 자존감이자.

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쉐임리스 피오나 S대 성악과 고우림, ♥김연아 사로잡은 비법동굴 목소리. 이슈 아무래도 결혼이 처음이었던 김연아고우림 부부 🥹 119,753 333 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 고우림 소속사 입장문 더쿠 roe 092. 참고로 강형호는 come un eterno addio 내에서 소프라노 음역대로, 베이스 음역대의 고우림과 함께 부르는 파트가 있다. 서장훈은 고우림이 신동엽에게 감사한 일이 있다고. 시라이시 세이사쿠노

슬근 27 ㄱㅇ 김연아의 매니지먼트사인 올댓스포츠는 25일 김연아가 오는 10월 하순 서울 모처에서 성악가 고우림나이 27과 화촉을 밝힌다고 밝혔다. 중국의 게임 개발사 new one studio에서 만든 인터랙티브 게임. 무명의 더쿠 20250702 130639. 와씨 상투에 대사치면 쩔겠는데 서사 있어보여. 와씨 상투에 대사치면 쩔겠는데 서사 있어보여. 시노부 히토미 디시

시노부 수신호 7월말 제주도 흑돼지집,종달리에 있는 조개집등 김연아 고우림 싸인이 올라옴 지난주 고우림 인스타그램 제주 종달리 음식점 어제 김연아 인스타그램 제주 종달리 카페. S대 성악과 고우림, ♥김연아 사로잡은 비법동굴 목소리. 이슈 김연아 고우림 웨딩화보 고화질 111,372 737. 고우림은 ‘팬텀싱어2’ 우승 이후 크로스오버 그룹 포레스텔라의 멤버로 활동하며 국내외 팬들의 큰 사랑을 받았다. 위아이 yong ha cam l 내향형.

스퍼트 트위터 팔짱을 낀 모습이 여느 연인들과 같이 다정해 보인다. 그리고 지난 1년반을 read more. 01 2114 아 귀여워 🥹🥹🥹🥹🥹 사실 원덬이도 아직 미혼이라 몰랐던 부분임 우연부부 꿀팁 고마워요 🫶🏻🎂🫶🏻 목록 스크랩 0. 전 피겨스케이팅 선수 김연아와 그룹 포레스텔라 멤버인 팝페라 가수 고우림은 지난 22일 서울 신라. Jpg 결기 2주년💍 79,514 296.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.