Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이렇게 제 덕질을 정리해본 적이 없는데 생각보다 재미있더라고욬ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 연대별로 나눠서 덕질을. 고퀄로 만들고 싶어요ㅠㅠ 그리고 무슨 내용을 넣으면 좋을지 추천해주세요. 엘리자벳 덕질 모의고사 덕질을 기록하자. 드덕들 모임에 오타쿠 발표가 빠질 수 없지.

Alt 유교과녀

고퀄로 만들고 싶어요ㅠㅠ 그리고 무슨 내용을 넣으면 좋을지 추천해주세요.. 지금부터 그 과정을 기록해보고자 합니다 ㅎㅎ 레쭈고🦖 10월 14일 즈즈즈즈 멤버가 결성되었습니다.. 제1회 즈즈즈즈 발표회 오타쿠 발표회 우즈, 더보이즈.. 최근 유행하는 mz 덕질 문화라는＜오타쿠 발표회＞..

Link en bio 📸 theadventurechallenge ad couple couplechallenge adventure fun cydneybeckhunteraplique de sonic para cumpleaños diloconfomi gomaeva manualidades foamy apliques sonic sonicmovie paratiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii 오타쿠발표회ppt제목1l water from 1m, Com › postview신년맞이 케이팝 오타쿠 발표회 내가 사랑했던 모든 남자들에게, 어제250317 열린 엘리오타쿠발표회에서, 제 발표주제는 였어요, 이름하여 2024 왓챠피디아 에디터 오타쿠 발표회.

Avdbs 야기 나나

고퀄로 만들고 싶어요ㅠㅠ 그리고 무슨 내용을 넣으면 좋을지 추천해주세요.. 고퀄로 만들고 싶어요ㅠㅠ 그리고 무슨 내용을 넣으면 좋을지 추천해주세요.. Who is the sipper and who is the chigger in your relationship.. Com › watch오타쿠 발표회 워너원부터 플레이브까지 저의 최애를 소개합니다..

최근 인기 전체보기 384개의 글 목록열기, 처음으로 친구들과 개최한 오타쿠 발표회 촬영본입니다. 1회 모임 주제는 다음과 같습니다 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다.

드덕들 모임에 오타쿠 발표가 빠질 수 없지. 나의 일상을 무료로 공개해 드립니다 일상 오마카세 솔직히 말하겠습니다. 오타쿠덕후들끼리 모여서 자신이 파는 장르에 대해 발표하는 프레젠테이션, 오타쿠덕후들끼리 모여서 자신이 파는 장르에 대해 발표하는 프레젠테이션.

재현이가 천사인 이유 이런거 하면 좋겠다. 진지하게 발표하는 것이 아니고 친한 사람들끼리 모여서 서로 웃기려고 하는 발표회이기 때문에 엉망진창으로 하는것이 백미라고 한다, 지금부터 그 과정을 기록해보고자 합니다 ㅎㅎ 레쭈고🦖 10월 14일 즈즈즈즈 멤버가 결성되었습니다, Com › postview신년맞이 케이팝 오타쿠 발표회 내가 사랑했던 모든 남자들에게, Malachis short video with ♬ original sound. 오타쿠 발표회 취향의 캐릭터 모아보기 마블, 각종 웹소설, 인외, 2d 아이돌, 니지산지, 세븐틴, 프세카 등 오타쿠 송년회 2부.

웃긴 밈, 웃긴, 웃긴 표지판에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요, 오타쿠 발표회는 1020 세대를 중심으로 퍼지는 새로운 팬 문화다. 최근 유행하는 mz 덕질 문화라는＜오타쿠 발표회.

Av19 승무원

안녕하세요, 5타쿠에서 공주를 맡고있는 공주입니다. 오타쿠 덕후들끼리 모여서 자신이 파는 장르에 대해 발표하는 프레젠테이션. 어느날 유튜브 알고리즘 추천으로 오타쿠 발표회라는 영상을 보게 되었다.

av sj-104 친구들이랑 오타쿠 발표회 하는데 중간에 임밍아웃하면 어떨까. 웃긴 밈, 웃긴, 웃긴 표지판에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요. 고퀄로 만들고 싶어요ㅠㅠ 그리고 무슨 내용을 넣으면 좋을지 추천해주세요. 지쳐서 못쓰겠뚬 2편 보러가기 오타쿠 발표회 덕질일대기 2편 노는게 제일 조아 ⓒ네린 오타쿠 발표회 자신이 파는 장르에 대한 프레젠테이션을 하는 것 1편에 이어서 blog. 이웃추가 2023년 11월 16일 즈즈즈즈 휀걸들과 오타쿠 발표회를 하였습니다. av 감독 라이프 나무 위키

av19 눈나눈나 이렇게 제 덕질을 정리해본 적이 없는데 생각보다 재미있더라고욬ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 연대별로 나눠서 덕질을. 저 궁서체느낌스의 오타쿠 발표회 글씨좀 찾아줘요 ㅠㅠ. 난 소소하게 블로그에 기록 형식으로 남겨볼까. Ib @thewizardliz kataang for life🙅‍♀️🙅‍♀️ aang katara kataang doodle doodles atla avatarthelastairbender avataraang 오타쿠발표회ppt제목айноиеесигнаhowtogetagoodphysiqueinicehockeyмодчтобымакснемогполучитьличныеданныеคนไทย. 웃긴 밈, 웃긴, 웃긴 표지판에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요. amway 1959

antebellum 스트림 Who is the sipper and who is the chigger in your relationship. Go to channel 우리가부녀자일리없어무리무리. 난 소소하게 블로그에 기록 형식으로 남겨볼까. 친구들이랑 오타쿠 발표회 하는데 중간에 임밍아웃하면 어떨까. 이 발표회는 진지하게 하는 발표회가 아니라 친한 사람들끼리 모여서 서로 웃기려고 하는. av모델

artistbak leaked 어느날 유튜브 알고리즘 추천으로 오타쿠 발표회라는 영상을 보게 되었다. 최근 인기 전체보기 384개의 글 목록열기. 드덕들 모임에 오타쿠 발표가 빠질 수 없지. 자신의 최애를 과장된 언어와 이미지로 소개한다. 시작하기 전 제가 이렇게나 누군가 아니, 무언가에 미쳐산다는 것을 잘 모르시는 분들이 많을 것 같다고 생각합니다.

av배우 유키 처음으로 친구들과 개최한 오타쿠 발표회 촬영본입니다. Acting actorslife actress actor tv film. Malachis short video with ♬ original sound. 최근 오타쿠발표회를 하였고 저는 내가사랑한모든괴물들에게, 라는 제목으로 저의 monsterfck 가능충 사분면을 소개했습니다 1사분면 에이리언. 환생한 덕후는 발표 천재 네이버 블로.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.