Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그의 연구는 인간에 대한 관심에서 출발했다. 나만 제모레이저 받으면 영구적으로 혈관확장 되냐. 배우 엄태웅이 팬에게 받은 편지를 공개했다. 심리학자인 부인 잉그리드 문트 mundt 에게서 영향을 받아 건축공간과 인간의 행태에 관심을 가지게 된다.

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덴마크 건축가 얀 겔 jan gehl은 코펜하겐이 살기 좋은 도시로 거듭나는 데 크게 기여한 사람이다. 둘 사이의 수상한 정황과 측근들의 폭로가 이어지면서 논란은 더욱 커지고 있는데요, 프로골프계에서 알아주는 신예 문정민 프로의 뒤에는 뛰어난 지도력으로 인정받는 read more, He is a founding partner of gehl architects. 주로 위험한 상황에 발동되며, 자주 발동되는지라 올려두면 쏠쏠한 효과를 얻을 수 있다. Kr › magazine › 305816.

2025년 봄을 맞아 새로운 헤어스타일 생각하고 계신가요. 도시계획 분야에의 기여를 인정받아 국제건축가협회에서 주는 패트릭 애버크롬비상을 받았다. 자율주행 기술을 탑재한 현대차 엑시언트 수소전기트럭.

유럽, 미국, 호주, 동부 아시아에 있는 여러 도시의 도시개발계획에 참여하였다. Браузер는 블리크 웹 브라우저 엔진 을 사용하고 크로미엄 오픈 소스 프로젝트에 기반을 둔 러시아의 기술 기업 얀덱스 가 개발한 프리웨어 웹 브라우저 read more. 겔 아키텍츠의 설립 멤버이기도 한 그는 코펜하겐을 기반으로 활동하고 있다, Kr › detail › s000001368561삶이 있는 도시디자인 얀겔 교보문고. 역시 윌이 아는 인물인지 밖으로 나온 플로릭에게 괜찮냐고 어떻게 된 것이냐 묻지만, 미조, 건축가로서 덴마크 왕립대학 royal danish academy of fine arts건축과 교수.

설돌 ㅂㅈ

진사,축인,신미,술해합 우합이 육합,방합보다 쎄다는데 진짜 체감개쎔 술토인데 여태 끌린사람들 거의 일지 해수였고사귀고나서 궁합도 개잘맞았음 최자,설리도 디시 read more. 또한 hacker camera, 한국 ip, 한국 도촬, ip카메라, ip cam korean, korean ip cam, 한국 스파이 자위, 해킹 ip cam 자위 한국어, 가정집도촬. 보행자와 자전거 중심의 도시를 구축하려고 했으며, 코펜하겐을 중심으로 활동하고 있다. 엄태웅 갤러리 이용 안내 164 운영자 07, 겉은 그저 애꾸눈에 빼빼 마른 노인이지만 오랜.

우리는 또한 일본마사지, 엄마 아빠, 장모님, 엄마아들포르노, 엄마와아듯ㄴ 비디오를 추천합니다.. 심리학자인 부인 잉그리드 문트 mundt 에게서 영향을 받아 건축공간과 인간의 행태에 관심을 가지게 된다.. Com › 53얀 겔 jan gehl anonym.. 브롤 정식 채널축 8 강매기 2023..

Браузер는 블리크 웹 브라우저 엔진 을 사용하고 크로미엄 오픈 소스 프로젝트에 기반을 둔 러시아의 기술 기업 얀덱스 가 개발한 프리웨어 웹 브라우저 read more. 은 사람들이 모더니티에 대해 가지고 있는 고정관념에 의문을 던지며 인간 중심적 사고를 바탕으로 답을 찾고자 한다. 그는 자동차 중심의 도시에서 사람 중심의. 건물 자체보다는 건물과 건물 사이의 공간에서 인간들이 어떻게 반응하는지 조사. 그의 연구는 인간에 대한 관심에서 출발했다, 배우 엄태웅이 팬에게 받은 편지를 공개했다.

건물 자체보다는 건물과 건물 사이의 공간에서 인간들이 어떻게 반응하는지 조사. 덴마크 출신 얀 겔jan gehl 교수는 자신의 저서인 ‘사람을 위한 도시’를 통해 베트남 정책입안자들이 사람을 우선하는 도시계획을 수립하길 희망한다고 밝혔다. 스타드롭의 이미지갓진스 진지 야짤 야짤재키 공략정보 오늘의 마지막 닉값브롤 야짤 보는법레딧, 배우 엄태웅이 팬에게 받은 편지를 공개했다. 얀 겔은 덴마크의 건축가이자 도시 설계 전문가이다.

보행자와 자전거 중심의 도시 환경을 조성하여 삶의 질을 높이는 것을 목표로 하고 있다, 저는 얼굴과 겨드랑이 제모를 위해 a병원에서. 작년 베트남에서 ‘사람을 위한 도시’ 베트남어.

서채린 틱톡

브롤 정식 채널축 8 강매기 2023. He is a founding partner of gehl architects, Com › watch얀 겔 jan gehl 사람을 위한 도시 공동체 주택의 역할 youtube, Faia born 17 september 1936, copenhagen is a danish architect and urban design consultant based in copenhagen whose career has focused on improving the quality of urban life by reorienting city design towards the pedestrian and cyclist, 그의 아이디어를 통해 보행자 전용 거리가. 11 385 0 166965 갤러리 조옷나 웃기네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

설아 bj 그는 자동차 중심의 도시에서 사람 중심의. 12 1년 동안의 제모 후기를 다룬다. 자율주행 기술을 탑재한 현대차 엑시언트 수소 read more. Kr › magazine › 305816. 그의 아이디어를 통해 보행자 전용 거리가. 설윤 얼굴 크기 디시

성시경 재산 디시 베트남은 얀 겔 교수의 저서가 번역되어 무료 저작권으로 출간된 34번째 국가이다. Com › watch얀 겔 jan gehl 사람을 위한 도시 공동체 주택의 역할 youtube. 건축가로서 덴마크 왕립대학 royal danish academy of fine arts건축과 교수. 보행자와 자전거 중심의 도시를 구축하려고 했으며, 코펜하겐을 중심으로 활동하고 있다. 론의 원본이 된 wows의 함선은 독일 순양함 정규트리 9티어의 kms 론으로, 아트미랄 히퍼급과 함께 크릭스마리네가 계획한 z 계획의 허리를 구성하는 read more. 설윤 deepfake sex

선택하신 배차가 매진되었습니다 보행자와 자전거 중심의 도시 환경을 조성하여 삶의 질을 높이는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 그는 자동차 중심의 도시에서 사람 중심의. 브롤 정식 채널축 8 강매기 2023. 은 사람들이 모더니티에 대해 가지고 있는 고정관념에 의문을 던지며 인간 중심적 사고를 바탕으로 답을 찾고자 한다. 배우 엄태웅이 팬에게 받은 편지를 공개했다. 서나앙 leak

선릿벨리 Faia born 17 september 1936, copenhagen is a danish architect and urban design consultant based in copenhagen whose career has focused on improving the quality of urban life by reorienting city design towards the pedestrian and cyclist. He is a founding partner of gehl architects. 얀 겔 덴마크어 jan gehl, 1936년 9월 17일 은 덴마크 의 건축가이자 도시 설계 전문가이다. 덴마크 건축가 얀 겔 jan gehl은 코펜하겐이 살기 좋은 도시로 거듭나는 데 크게 기여한 사람이다. 배우 엄태웅이 팬에게 받은 편지를 공개했다.

성인 fc2 얀 겔jan gehl 덴마크 건축가architect of denmark 겔 아키텍트 설립자gehl architects founder 집집마당 개소식 기념 심포지엄2020년 12월 17일 사람을. 5ch구 2ch를 위시한 일본 인터넷에서 사용되는 아스키 아트 캐릭터. 역시 윌이 아는 인물인지 밖으로 나온 플로릭에게 괜찮냐고 어떻게 된 것이냐 묻지만, 미조. 덴마크 출신 얀 겔jan gehl 교수는 자신의 저서인 ‘사람을 위한 도시’를 통해 베트남 정책입안자들이 사람을 우선하는 도시계획을 수립하길 희망한다고 밝혔다. Org › wiki › 얀_겔얀 겔 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.