Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

챌린지 진짜 많이 올려주는데 그중에서도 제일 좋았음. 10 답글 하이브 미국 현지화 걸그룹 캣츠아이katseye 서바이벌 탈락자들 근황. 한국인 관련 이슈, 더쿠 베스트 모아보기 14일. 걸그룹 캣츠아이 인정현 프로듀서 단독 인터뷰.

123av.c

2763672

주변을 신경 자세히 살펴보지 않으면 그런일이 발생하는지 전혀 모를거 같지만. 나는 캣츠아이 얘기할때 인종이 달라서 파워가 다르다. Com › entertainments › music캣츠아이, 살해 협박만 천 번 넘어인종차별 악플까지, 충격적 핫. 캣츠아이가 캐주얼 브랜드 갭gap의 가을 캠페인 베터 인 데님better in denim에서 안무를 선보이고 있다, 걸그룹 캣츠아이 인정현 프로듀서 단독 인터뷰. 걸그룹 캣츠아이 인정현 프로듀서 단독 인터뷰.

1인방갤

걸그룹 캣츠아이 인정현 프로듀서 단독 인터뷰. 흔히 인종차별 하면 프랑스, 미국, 캐나다, 호주 처럼 다민족국가 들의 사례들만 생각하기 쉽다, 지난 12일 현지 시각 캣츠아이는 영국 bbc와의 인터뷰를 진행했다. 이슈 해외 케이팝 팬들 사이에서 인종차별이라고 알티타는 중인 스키즈 멧갈라 12,567 40 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo.

캣츠아이 멤버들은 팀에 대한 자부심을 보이면서 다양한 배경을 가진 아티스트들에게 꿈을 포기하지 말라고 격려했습니다, 무명의 더쿠 20260127 231606 비회원은 작성한 지 1시간 이내의 댓글은 읽을 수 없습니다. 이슈 해외 케이팝 팬들 사이에서 인종차별이라고 알티타는 중인 스키즈 멧갈라 12,567 40 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 새로 나온 근데 저런건 보통 살색이라고 부르는데 꾸준히 있어왔던 인종차별 문제로 살구색이라고 부르게 되었는데. 이슈 인종차별인데 인종차별인지 모르는 유형.

Net › square › 4062321242더쿠 지역인종 허들 없는 캣츠아이&mldr.. 지역인종 허들 없는 캣츠아이가장 큰 장점은 유연성이죠..

072q Candfans

최신 음악과 함께하는 k팝의 심층 분석, 최신 음악과 함께하는 k팝의 심층 분석. 20 이미지 늊퀴들 팜국어로 존나 빨면서 저게 왜 인종차별이냐 이러는중. 인도 혈통을 가진 미국인 라라는 인종차별적 악플을 받은 것은 물론, ‘불법으로 미국에 거주하며 일한다’는 허위 신고를 ice 이민세관단속국에 당하기도 했다고 밝혔다. Lil 이 흑인들이 자주 쓰는 작명식이고 거기에 아무 상관도없는 음식이름 붙여서 + 심지어 이전에 줄리는 흑인 관련 커버로 난리나서 한번 사과한적 있음 n워드 관련 커버인데 이건.

20대 연 저펀 디시

메이크업 브랜드 인종차별 당했다고 말 나오는 정해인 영상, 캣츠아이 데뷔후 살해 협박 수천건性정체성인종 혐오, 이슈 인종차별인데 인종차별인지 모르는 유형. Kr › 2334944캣츠아이, 살해 협박 토로&mldr.

4162750 名前 이슈 해외 케이팝 팬들 사이에서 인종차별이라고 알티타는 중인 스키즈 멧갈라 12,567 40 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 나를 차별한 가족을 버립니다 콘페티 나를 차별한 가족을 버립니다 단행본 남겨진 아이 버려진 아이 카이첼 남궁세가의 가짜 주치의가 너무 유능함 은. 캣츠아이 데뷔후 살해 협박 수천건性정체성인종 혐오. 유머 그 유명한 계단을 만난 캣츠아이 7,719 18. 마농은 우리는 팀의 다양성을 정말 자랑스럽게 생각한다며 세상의 소녀들에게 어떤 모습이든 자신이 어디에서 왔는지를 자랑스럽게 여기라고 보여주는 것이 우리의. 2754780 fc2

10000song 트위터 케이돌토크 잡담 도자캣 아시안 인종차별 무슨 말실수한 정도인줄 알았는데 1,223 3 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 지역인종 허들 없는 캣츠아이가장 큰 장점은 유연성이죠. 인종차별이라 생각도 못해봤을만큼 숨쉬듯 자연스럽게 차별하니까 저러는거임 고치라고 인종차별이라고 해도 자기는 칭찬하려고 한건데 예민하네 어쩌네 할듯. Net › square › 3407726655더쿠 지금 한국 팬들도 존나 당황한 캣츠아이 새영상. 캣츠아이가 캐주얼 브랜드 갭gap의 가을 캠페인 베터 인 데님better in denim에서 안무를 선보이고 있다. 19wiki.com

16447000 대한민국의 인종차별에 대해 다루는 문서. 31 13,150,595 모든 공지 확인하기 2806235 이슈 혼쭐날까봐 공개합니다 mlog 리얼한 미현이의 세상_86ㅣ밈pd 19234 이슈 시간 개빠른거 같은 영국남자 출연했던 남자 고등학생들 근황insta 7 1903 4 이슈 박우진 이상형 자기. 이슈 한국인들 해외여행 ㅈㄴ 다니는데 인종차별 ㅈㄴ 함 그리고 제발 한국어로 지나가는 사람 얼평 그만했으면 좋겠음 64,663 531 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 인도 혈통을 가진 미국인 라라는 인종차별적 악플을 받은 것은 물론, ‘불법으로 미국에 거주하며 일한다’는 허위 신고를 ice 이민세관단속국에 당하기도 했다고 밝혔다. 잡담 캣츠아이 인터뷰 현장 ㄹㅇ 칭찬감옥이넼ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 482 3. 3022297 hitomi

1만엔 겨드랑이 애들 하는 짓이 원숭이 같아서 엄마들이 자기애들 부를때도 사용하는 경우도 많음 monkey 정도는 똥강아지 정도의 느낌임 만약 타인종의 어린이가 위 셔츠를. 챌린지 진짜 많이 올려주는데 그중에서도 제일 좋았음. 이슈 캣츠아이 마농 직캠 베플에 대한 외국인들 반응. 입력 라라는 캣츠아이가 받은 성차별적 비난도 언급했습니다. 인종차별이라 생각도 못해봤을만큼 숨쉬듯 자연스럽게 차별하니까 저러는거임 고치라고 인종차별이라고 해도 자기는 칭찬하려고 한건데 예민하네 어쩌네 할듯.

200gana 추천 이슈 아시안 인종차별 이슈에 앞장서는 기자들 feat. 31 13,150,595 모든 공지 확인하기 2806235 이슈 혼쭐날까봐 공개합니다 mlog 리얼한 미현이의 세상_86ㅣ밈pd 19234 이슈 시간 개빠른거 같은 영국남자 출연했던 남자 고등학생들 근황insta 7 1903 4 이슈 박우진 이상형 자기. 앞서 2일 키스오브라이프는 멤버 쥴리의 생일을 맞아 자체 라이브 방송일 진행, 멤버 전원이 흑인 힙합 스타일링을 한 채 등장했다. Net › square › 2945640506더쿠 인종차별 심한나라들. 지난 12일 현지 시각 캣츠아이는 영국 bbc와의 인터뷰를 진행했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.