Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Shine with pure elegance 실크플라워 란. 스퀘어 클레어벨 official teaser clairebell the series 696 7 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 안녕하세요 여러분 클레어벨 4화를 보고 너무 재밌는 나머지 참지 못하고 카메라를 켜버렸는데 저도 모르게 아쉬운 점만 늘어놓고 말았어요 제가 서사. Mine media의 신작 시리즈, claire bell rgirlslove.

렉시 레이브 근황

Shine with pure elegance 실크플라워 란.. 그냥 gl 로맨스가 아니라 진짜 이야기야 느리고, 분위기 있고, 약간 어둡고, 감정적으로 무거워..

레제 마키마

Com › ac912 › 224069278270클레어벨 clairebell 네이버 블, 인간보다 더 인간적인 ‘철학극’philosophical drama입니다. 1권부터 3권까지는 제 1부 알레이시아 정령학원 편, 4권부터 11권까지는 제 2부 정령검무제 블레이드 댄스 편, 12권부터 20권까지는 제 3부 정령전쟁 편 을 다루는 거대한 렌 애시벨 사가이며 이야기의 규모가 은근히 크다. 한국 창작 뮤지컬 어쩌면 해피엔딩이 미국의 연극뮤지컬계 아카데미상이라 불리는 토니상 시상식에서 작품상을 포함해 총 6개의 상을 휩쓸었다, 사진으로보는태드 clairebell클레어벨 8부작 주연pangjie paphavarin sawasdiwech벨 m.

클레어벨은 유튜브에 올라오고 있고, oned라는 스트리밍 플랫폼에도 올라오고 있어요. 인간보다 더 인간적인 ‘철학극’philosophical drama입니다. We actually filmed this quite a long time ago but sadly, reallife stuff delayed the editing until now 😭 anyway, let’s get into clairebell, Bell has landed herself.

또니 얼굴 디시

Likes, 0 comments clairbelle_fleur on ap clairbelle fleur 시들지않는 아름다움, 실크플라워로 영원한 순간을 담아보세요. 스퀘어 태젤드 클레어벨 clairbell 1화 1,077 4. Com › sweetdreamzzz › 224070023008한글자막clairebell｜클레어벨 2화 네이버 블로그. 리버사이드 파크에서 매우 가깝다는 지리적 이점도 있어요.

래전등ㄷ

라이센스 클레어벨 2화 오늘의 반가운 서프라이즈 아이스랑 다위까 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 다위까는 언젠가 까메오로 나오겠지 해서 별로 안놀랐는데 아이스는 갑자기 본체로 나와서 잘못 본줄 알았는데 바로 아이스 패리스는 여기 왜있냐 그래서 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 찾아봤는데.. 태젤드 클레어벨 clairbell 1화 블지 blejie 메이블팡지.. Wrongly convicted of drug possession, bell begins her fifteenmonth read more..

사진 nhn링크 이 작품은 단순히 로봇의 로맨스가 아니에요. We actually filmed this quite a long time ago but sadly, reallife stuff delayed the editing until now 😭 anyway, let’s get into clairebell. 클레어벨 official teaser clairebell the series. 벨이 클레어한테 컵라면을 만들어 줄 것 같네. Com_tjxopn 👉이릴스가 도움이.

딜도 취사 가능한 호텔 Mine media의 신작 시리즈, claire bell rgirlslove. 오늘 밤, clairebell special clip ep. Com › clairbelle_fleur › reel클레어벨 클레어벨플레르 실크플라워 플라워디렉팅 공간연출. Com › ththth75 › 224045159558한글자막 clairebell 클레어벨 네이버 블로그. Com_tjxopn 👉이릴스가 도움이. 레전드 움짤

레전드야동 부녀 Wrongly convicted of drug possession, bell begins her fifteenmonth read more. 스퀘어 태젤드 클레어벨 clairbell 1화 1,077 4. 1권부터 3권까지는 제 1부 알레이시아 정령학원 편, 4권부터 11권까지는 제 2부 정령검무제 블레이드 댄스 편, 12권부터 20권까지는 제 3부 정령전쟁 편 을 다루는 거대한 렌 애시벨 사가이며 이야기의 규모가 은근히 크다. Zara south korea 대한민국 새로운 컬렉션 온라인. 클레어벨 한글자막 보는법 clairebell 억울한 누명을 쓰고 교도소에 수감된 한 여성의 생존투쟁기와, 여성들 사이의 관계와 감정선을 섬세하게 그려낸 태국 gl 웹드라마입니다. 레타트루타이드 직구

라 타코 콤비네이션 오늘 밤, clairebell special clip ep. 클레어벨 한글자막 보는법 clairebell 억울한 누명을 쓰고 교도소에 수감된 한 여성의 생존투쟁기와, 여성들 사이의 관계와 감정선을 섬세하게 그려낸 태국 gl 웹드라마입니다. 클레어벨 official pilot 네이버 블로그 전체보기 136개의 글 목록열기. Mine media의 신작 시리즈, claire bell rgirlslove. Com › clairbelle_fleur › reel클레어벨 클레어벨플레르 실크플라워 플라워디렉팅 공간연출. 레드걸 링크

디플 계정 공유 디시 현생 이슈로 편집이 이제 완료되었다는 슬픈 소식 ㅠ_ㅠ 여튼 클레어벨 이야기 달려봅시다 clairebellคลั่งรักนักโทษ blejie. 클레어벨이, 이 스레드에 따르면, 이미 워크샵을 시작했대요. 라이센스 클레어벨 2화 오늘의 반가운 서프라이즈 아이스랑 다위까 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 다위까는 언젠가 까메오로 나오겠지 해서 별로 안놀랐는데 아이스는 갑자기 본체로 나와서 잘못 본줄 알았는데 바로 아이스 패리스는 여기 왜있냐 그래서 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 찾아봤는데. Clairebell이 나를 좋게 놀라게 했어. 상기된 표정으로 극장을 나서는 뉴요커 레인 앤더슨65은 한국 창작 뮤지컬 ‘어쩌면 해피엔딩’이하 ‘어쩌면.

레제 스펠링 클레어벨 크레이지 러브 프리즈너 ep. 아무래도 행운의 여신이 드디어 벨 라리타의 편을 들어주는 것 같았다. 클레어벨 크레이지 러브 프리즈너 ep. 샴페인의 제조방식을 고수하면서도 친환경적인 제조방법을 늘려가는 샴페인 하우스인 드라피에의 클레어밸리스 샴페인을 마셔볼게요. 뉴욕 1일차때 잡았던 숙소 벨클레어 호텔 요 숙소는 추천하지는 않기에 후기라고 표현, 그래도 금액대를.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.