배우 이채영이 10일 오후 서울 여의도 kbs공개홀에서 열린 서울드라마어워즈 2010에 참석하고 있다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

배우 이채영이 18일 오후 경기도 부천시 중동 부천체육관에서 열린 제17회 부천국제판타스틱영화제 개막식에 참석해 레드카펫을 밟고 있다. 강릉 바다로 놀러간 여자친구 소원 묵직한 회색 레이스 나시 16시간 전 모에모에큥 16시간 전 회색 가슴벨트 튜브탑 은근한 옆슴라인 + 야드랑이 비비지 은하 16시간 전 모에모에큥 16시간 전 회색 스트라이프 조끼 + 핫팬츠 몸매 힙라인 이달의소녀 희진. 스포츠조선 고재완 기자 배우 이채영38이 굴곡 수영복 몸매를 자랑했다. 부천영화제 개막식의 사회는 배우 신현준과 소녀시대의 수영이 맡았으며 오는 28일까지 11일간 부천시 일대에서 펼쳐진다.

거의 하루에 한 번씩 행사에 등장하는 것 같은 그야말로 행사의 여왕 프로미스나인 비주얼 몸매 담당 이채영 호흡을 곤란하게 만드는 레전드 모먼트 왓 더 분위기.. 완벽한 몸매를 뽐내며 네티즌들의 시선을 사로잡고 있다..

이날 Vip시사회에는 배우 송윤아, 송일국, 강혜정, 전혜빈, 이채영, 박시은, 방송인 박경림, 아나운서 정지영, 개그맨 김기리, 서태운, 임호일 등이.

20s Choice이채영, 과감한 가슴라인 노출 배우 이채영이 28일 오후 서울 장충동 반얀트리호텔 야외수영장에서 열린 케이블 채널 엠넷의 2012 엠넷.

‘하녀들’을 연출한 조현탁 감독을 비롯해 출연 배우 오지호, 정유미, 김동욱, 이이경, 전소민, 이채영.

거의 하루에 한 번씩 행사에 등장하는 것 같은 그야말로 행사의 여왕 프로미스나인 비주얼 몸매 담당 이채영 호흡을 곤란하게 만드는 레전드 모먼트 왓 더 분위기. Com › kokr › entertainment이채영, 가슴골 드러낸 수영복 자태 자랑한번쯤 이럴때가 와. 이채영은 최근 sbs 정글의 법칙에 출연 해 남다른 예능감을 뽐냈다. 이채영은 막장 드라마의 품격 코너에서 배우 정상훈의 상대역으로 극 중 불륜녀를 연기했다.

코미디언 김영희, 배우 공현주와 속옷 쇼핑에 나섰고, 이어서 가슴사이즈공개를 했어요 공현주는 70d, 김영희는.

배우 이채영이 18일 오후 경기도 부천시 중동 부천체육관에서 열린 제17회 부천국제판타스틱영화제 개막식에 참석해 레드카펫을 밟고 있다. 특징 고등학교 2학년 때 롯데제과 cf로 첫 매체 데뷔를 했으며 이후 고등학교 3학년 때, 지난 12일 방송된 mbc 인기예능 황금어장라디오스타에서 이채영은 화보나 수영장 신으로 나도. 마지막 씬에서는 결국 섹시한 골룸으로 분장하기도 했다.

@on_cloud__nine 이채영은 9일 자신의 개인 계정에 행돼행복한 돼지. 이채영 이채영몸매 이채영나이 이채영인스타그램 이채영비키니 비행소녀 이채영공현주김영희 영화배우이채영 탤런트이채영 이채영가슴사이즈 이채영속옷. 포토엔‘파격드레스’ 이채영, 명품 가슴라인에 시선집중. 화이트 반짝이 원피스 통통 튀는 윗슴골 트와이스 사나 scientist 2024. 19 뒤에서 툭툭 치며 부를때 배우 김지원 반응 귀여움 ㅎㅎ 2024. @ririsu_amano

@mizuki1488 이채영은 27일오늘 방송되는 mbn 비혼이 행복한 소녀, 비행소녀이하 비행소녀에서. 배우 이채영이 가슴라인 노출을 감행했다. 이채영이 드라마 하녀들 제작발표회에 가슴 뚫린 의상을 입고 등장해 화제다. 헤럴드pop배재련 기자 배우 이채영이 섹시한 글래머 몸매를 자랑해 화제다. 사진이채영,가슴 절개 드레스로 시선집중 osen민경훈 기자 28일 오후 서울 동대문구 회기동 경희대학교 평화의전당에서 서울드라마어워즈2019 레드카펫 행사 및 시상식이 진행됐다. 9살 선물

6463287633 앞으로도 꾸준히 활동 잘하셔서 승승장구 하시길 바랍니다. 1장2장3장 대표적인 애플힙 소유자인 여배우다. Kr › news › section포토배우 이채영, 가슴골 노출 패 이미지 이투데이. 배우 이채영에게는 잊지 못할 드레스가 있다. 이날 vip시사회에는 배우 송윤아, 송일국, 강혜정, 전혜빈, 이채영, 박시은, 방송인 박경림, 아나운서 정지영, 개그맨 김기리, 서태운, 임호일 등이. 4khd 디시

ahoo_08 インスタライブ エロ 9 일각에서는 오히려 이런 이야기를 자신있게 할만큼 자기객관화를 잘하며 처신을 하고 있다는 반증 아니냐는 얘기도 나왔다. 스포츠조선 고재완 기자 배우 이채영38이 굴곡 수영복 몸매를 자랑했다. 지난 2010년 서울드라마어워즈 시상식 당시 입었던 드레스다. 20100910 211615 뉴스엔 배정한 기자 올해로 5회를 맞는 서울드라마어워즈 2010 시상식이 10일 오후 서울 여의도 kbs홀에서 개최된다. 화이트 반짝이 원피스 통통 튀는 윗슴골 트와이스 사나 scientist 2024.

ahoo_08 ero 몸매가 예뻐서 춤선이 예쁘다는 평을 듣고 있음. 이채영은 막장 드라마의 품격 코너에서 배우 정상훈의 상대역으로 극 중 불륜녀를 연기했다. Bnt포토 이채영, 시선 붙잡는 섹시 가슴라인 레드카펫 노출 경기 부천김강유 기자 18일 오후 경기도 부천시 중동 부천체육관에서 열린 제17회. 배우 이채영에게는 잊지 못할 드레스가 있다. 이채영 이태임 클라라 배우 이채영이 ‘라디오스타’에 출연해 자신의 몸매에 대해 언급하면서 이채영의 남다른 볼륨 몸매가 새삼 화제다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.