This is the docker image for holoarchivistsfc2livedl tool to.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Javsp：专业的 av 元数据一键刮削工具 简介 javsp（jav scraper package）是一款功能强大的开源 av 元数据刮削工具，由 github 开发者 yuukiy 精心打造。它能自动识别影片番号，从多个权威网站聚合元数据，并按规则整理媒体文件，完美支持 emby、jellyfin、kodi 等主流媒体管理软件。 核心功能 智能番号识别. 我找到最接近的一个是avdc，但那是日语刮削器，我还没正确设置好。有人知道怎么设置avdc，或者有其他适用于plex的、可以识别fc2 jav文件的刮削器或选项吗？. Io › note › toolsjavsp：专业的 av 元数据一键刮削工具 我的开发笔记. Comarticles4382449 ，它是日文网站，更新速度快，作品收录齐全，最主要的是它.

以下为个人使用经验，也可做预设配置基本逻辑： 绝大部分影片为jp，有码，极少数量无码、fc2，这些主要通过两个站点解决99%的刮削，javdb、bus。 不在乎db的水印（你不说我真没注意过），不是画质党，不需要日亚高清图，绝大部分影片1080p到顶了.. 前面给大家介绍了可以在emby中自动刮削的插件metatube，很多兄弟还是玩不转，然后有很多兄弟又有整理文件，删除垃圾文件，注入演员头像之类的需求，基于这种情况， 那今天再给大家介绍一个在windows或者mac环境下.. Embyjellyfin 的一个日本电影刮削器插件，可以从某些网站抓取影片信息。.. Func caribscraper fetch func s caribscraper fetchcode string error fetch 刮削..

Gui 版本 日本电影元数据 抓取工具 刮削器，配合本地影片管理软件 Emby, Jellyfin, Kodi 等管理本地影片， 该软件起到分类与元数据 （metadata） 抓取作用， 利用元数据信息来分类， 供本地影片分类整理使用。 本地电影刮削与整理一体化解决方案 目录 声明 Faq 故事.

他用起來會顯示刮削進度等，整理模式能在config文件 B6hsu8896 另外metatube 有碼無碼ipoon, Carib, Fc2 是全支援嗎.

想问一下有人知道哪里有收集很整齐的fc2 番号吗，想对一些fc2 的资源进行刮削，不然看着一串数字都不知道什么是什么东西.. 他用起來會顯示刮削進度等，整理模式能在config文件 b6hsu8896 另外metatube 有碼無碼ipoon, carib, fc2 是全支援嗎.. 提示 支持多个或单个文件拖动至mdc窗口中刮削 单个文件拖拽到mdc窗口，可自定义名称刮削 处理失败的影片会被记录，在程序所在目录下生成 failed_list..

Fc2 Fc2fan Javbus Javdb Javlib Javmenu Jav321 Msin Mgstage Prestige 刮削一部电影后的等待时间（秒，设置为0禁用此功能） Sleep_after_scraping 1.

2 Mvdctopmovie_data_capture Mygit.

Windows 102016 or above. 如果你需要使用代理在这设置，当然，你也可以在pc上全局代理，如果你要刮削fc2的，需要有javdb的cookie，去登录获取一个填这里之类的。 这样就基本设置完成了，记得点保存！！！！！ 3. Net 👈bosc 人氣推薦 2026年1月, 介绍开源av资料抓取与管理工具mdcng：支持30+刮削源、ai海报裁剪、目录监控、演员联动与多整理模式，docker快速部署，附实操设置与筛选技巧，助你一键洗版emby媒体库。, Metatube插件作为jellyfin媒体服务器的强大扩展工具，专门为fc2等平台影片提供元数据刮削功能。 然而在实际使用中，很多用户遇到了fc2影片元数据无法正确识别和刮削的问题，本文将深入分析问题根源并提供详细的修复方案。.

关键字： Jav, Scraper, Jav Scraper, Emby Plugins, Jellyfin Plugins, Javbus, Javdb, Fc2, Japanese, Adult, Movie, Metadata, 刮削器, 插件, 日本, 电影, 元数据, 番号 目录 主要原理 支持的采集来源 如何使用 部署修改版 Jsproxy 插件安装 插件更新 配置 使用 女优头像 特别建议 计划新增特性.

正常电影可以使用 tinymediamanager 来刮削，像是小姐姐这种日本电影就得通过别的方法来单独刮削，很多 github 上的开源项目，都是通过抓取类似 javbus 这种第三方的信息网站来实现刮削。. Embyjellyfin 的一个日本电影刮削器插件，可以从某些网站抓取影片信息。 plugin pull requests, Net 👈bosc 人氣推薦 2026年1月.

후천적 m 자 탈모 디시 正常电影可以使用 tinymediamanager 来刮削，像是小姐姐这种日本电影就得通过别的方法来单独刮削，很多 github 上的开源项目，都是通过抓取类似 javbus 这种第三方的信息网站来实现刮削。. Gui 版本 日本电影元数据 抓取工具 刮削器，配合本地影片管理软件 emby, jellyfin, kodi 等管理本地影片， 该软件起到分类与元数据 （metadata） 抓取作用， 利用元数据信息来分类， 供本地影片分类整理使用。 本地电影刮削与整理一体化解决方案 目录 声明 faq 故事. Embyjellyfin 的一个日本电影刮削器插件，可以从某些网站抓取影片信息。. Javscraper development by. Embyjellyfin 的一个日本电影刮削器插件，可以从某些网站抓取影片信息。. 황시후 키

흑자헬스 코리안 매트릭스 想问一下有人知道哪里有收集很整齐的fc2 番号吗，想对一些fc2 的资源进行刮削，不然看着一串数字都不知道什么是什么东西. Javsp：专业的 av 元数据一键刮削工具 简介 javsp（jav scraper package）是一款功能强大的开源 av 元数据刮削工具，由 github 开发者 yuukiy 精心打造。. 结尾 可将输出文件夹导入于emby, jellyfin, plex等媒体管理器中. contributor 以下为个人使用经验，也可做预设配置基本逻辑： 绝大部分影片为jp，有码，极少数量无码、fc2，这些主要通过两个站点解决99%的刮削，javdb、bus。 不在乎db的水印（你不说我真没注意过），不是画质党，不需要日亚高清图，绝大部分影片1080p到顶了. Io › note › toolsjavsp：专业的 av 元数据一键刮削工具 我的开发笔记. 환승연애4 백현 디시

황하나 문신 허리 디시 介绍开源av资料抓取与管理工具mdcng：支持30+刮削源、ai海报裁剪、目录监控、演员联动与多整理模式，docker快速部署，附实操设置与筛选技巧，助你一键洗版emby媒体库。. 前面给大家介绍了可以在emby中自动刮削的插件metatube，很多兄弟还是玩不转，然后有很多兄弟又有整理文件，删除垃圾文件，注入演员头像之类的需求，基于这种情况， 那今天再给大家介绍一个在windows或者mac环境下. 介绍开源av资料抓取与管理工具mdcng：支持30+刮削源、ai海报裁剪、目录监控、演员联动与多整理模式，docker快速部署，附实操设置与筛选技巧，助你一键洗版emby媒体库。. Com › ygh886 › avdcavdc 日本电影元数据刮削器，配合kodi gitee. Contribute to yuukiyjavsp development by creating an account on github. 훈대물

황시후 초모 디시 他用起來會顯示刮削進度等，整理模式能在config文件 b6hsu8896 另外metatube 有碼無碼ipoon, carib, fc2 是全支援嗎. Embyjellyfin 的一个日本电影刮削器插件，可以从某些网站抓取影片信息。 plugin pull requests. Func caribscraper fetch func s caribscraper fetchcode string error fetch 刮削. movie metadata scraper. 目前github上已有的jav scraper大都多年未更新维护，并且仅支持提供指定番号的scrape模式在这里分享一个可以一键按照作者女优整合资源的工具，可以很 read more.

히토미 모바일 바이러스 디시 Fc2 fc2fan javbus javdb javlib javmenu jav321 msin mgstage prestige 刮削一部电影后的等待时间（秒，设置为0禁用此功能） sleep_after_scraping 1. metatube插件作为jellyfin和emby媒体服务器的专业元数据刮削工具，近期遇到了fc2影片元数据刮削失效的问题。 这个插件专门为成人内容管理设计，能够自动获取影片的完整元数据信息，包括标题、剧情简介、演员信息和制作公司等。. 提示 支持多个或单个文件拖动至mdc窗口中刮削 单个文件拖拽到mdc窗口，可自定义名称刮削 处理失败的影片会被记录，在程序所在目录下生成 failed_list. Comarticles4382449 ，它是日文网站，更新速度快，作品收录齐全，最主要的是它. 在提问之前 我已经搜索了现有的 issues 我在提问题之前至少花费了 5 分钟来思考和准备 你使用版本的 commit hash.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.