한지윤 han ji yoon 2003년생.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Days ago 런닝맨 787회 오늘부터 구미호입니다만 레이스 배우 김혜윤 로몬 김종국 부인 신혼집 임대 멤버 지예은 지. 이선호, 대학생, 2003년 1211. 이에 대해 정유미는 이 정도일 줄 논란은 상상도 못했다. Tiktok에서 03년생여자 관련 동영상을 찾아보세요.

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03년생 2003년생 양띠 연예인 아이돌 출생연도별 나이별 같은 나이대 남녀 연예인 찾아보기. 2022년 성인이 된 03년생 여자아이돌, 월요일에 올리려 했는데 현생이 바빠서 못올렸습니다1 백지헌 프로미스나인출생 2003, 2003년생 여자 연예인유명인xin 한나1월 4일생, 본명 강민경triples 서다현1월 8일생madein 미유1월 9일생, miyu ito 트로트 가수 윤서령1월 13일생유튜버 예보링1월 25일생, 본명 최예빈채널명 예보링24. 바다 가수 박경리 가수 박경림 박경혜 배우 박규리 박규영 박그리나 박나래 박미선 박민영 박민지 박민하 2007년 박보영 박사랑 배우 박산다라 박서연 2002년 박선영 1976년생 배우 박선영 성우 박세영 배우 박세완 박소담 박소라 박소이 박소진 배우 박소현 배우 박솔미 박수아 박수진. 박지후 배우 2003년 0107 세은 가수, 배우 2003년 0614 하이업엔터테인먼트 강민 아이돌그룹 verivery 2003년 0125 젤리피쉬엔터테인먼트 이원호 텔런트 2003년 0405 엔터테인먼트 성민 가수 2003년 0801 스타쉽엔터테인먼트 태영 가수 2003년 0127 스타쉽엔터테인먼트 유나.

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리즈 김지원, 2004년 11월 21일생, 그룹 아이브 ive 멤버로 2021년 데뷔. 사진은 나무위키와 검색을 통해 수집 92년생과 그 이전 92년생은 잘 알려진 배우들이 너무 많아서 스킵, 년도별로 정리해야 할 수준인거 같다. 여배우 이상형 월드컵 245강 piku.

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션 대한민국의 가수, 걸그룹 billlie의 멤버, Com 🔺️03년생 연예인 모음🔺️ 02년생 2002년생 말띠 연예인. 최근 년생, 오름차순으로 나열하며, 지속적으로 업데이트될 예정입니다. 백지헌 해원 유나 안유진 세은 김다연 카즈하 박지후. 2003년, 24세, 양, 1명, 보기.

기타2003년생 여자 연예인 중 본인의 최애는. 있지itzy 유나 15cjdmniwkuew68c8mugyw. 박지후 배우 2003년 0107 세은 가수, 배우 2003년 0614 하이업엔터테인먼트 강민 아이돌그룹 verivery 2003년 0125 젤리피쉬엔터테인먼트 이원호 텔런트 2003년 0405 엔터테인먼트 성민 가수 2003년 0801 스타쉽엔터테인먼트 태영 가수 2003년 0127 스타쉽엔터테인먼트 유나.

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2003년생 여자 연예인 중 본인의 최애는.

모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성자유저차작성시간23, 션 대한민국의 가수, 걸그룹 billlie의 멤버. 한국에서 9년전부터 거주하고 있습니다.

이엘리야 트렌드 이유 소속그룹 다비치 강소라 영화배우, 탤런트 강하늘 김하늘 영화배우 181cm, 70kg. 백지헌, 2003년생, 그룹 프로미스나인의 멤버로 2018년 데뷔. 245강, 128강, 64강, 32강, 16강, 8강, 4강. 04년생 2004년생 원숭이띠 현재 나이 19세 남녀 연예인 아이돌은 누구. 출처 여성시대 유저차프로미스나인 백지헌백지헌엔믹스 해원해원있지 유나유나전 아이즈원 현재 활동 아이브 안유진안유진스테이씨 세은세은케플러 김다연김다연르세라핌 카즈하카즈하배우박지후. 이혼숙려갤러리

이세희 노출 2003년생 여자 연예인 중 본인의 최애는. Com 🔺️03년생 연예인 모음🔺️ 02년생 2002년생 말띠 연예인. 백지헌, 2003년생, 그룹 프로미스나인의 멤버로 2018년 데뷔. 03년생, 2003년생 연예인 남자, 여자, 아이돌, 가수, 배우, 여배우, 여자배우, 남자배우, 개그맨 75년생, 1975년생 연예인 프로필 모음 남자연예인, 여자연예인, 가수, 배우, 여배우, 성찬, 2001년 9월 13일생, 라이즈 멤버로 2023년 9월 4일 데뷔. 케플러 김다연 030302 록킹돌 주리 031027 빌리 션 030128 아이브 유진 030901 아이칠린 채린 030331 프리티지 예랑 030411 파시걸스 도연 030327. 이재명 웃음 짤

이엘리야 트렌드 이유 트위터 2022년 성인이 된 03년생 여자아이돌. 03년생, 2003년생 연예인 남자, 여자, 아이돌, 가수, 배우, 여배우, 여자배우, 남자배우, 개그맨 75년생, 1975년생 연예인 프로필 모음 남자연예인, 여자연예인, 가수, 배우, 여배우, 성찬, 2001년 9월 13일생, 라이즈 멤버로 2023년 9월 4일 데뷔. 04년생 2004년생 원숭이띠 현재 나이 19세 남녀 연예인 아이돌은 누구. 홍화리 2005년생 아역배우 출신 여자연예인 올해 나이 2026년. 04년생, 2004년생 연예인 남자, 여자, 아이돌, 가수, 배우, 여배우, 여자배우, 남자배우, 개그맨 장원영, 2004년 8월 31일생, 그룹 아이브 ive 멤버로 2021년 데뷔. 이새나 피딩

이자영 트위터 뿐만 아니라 에서 몸을 사리지 않는 예능감을 보여준다. 2003년생 여자 연예인과 유명인을 소개하는 블로그 포스트로, 다양한 분야에서 활동 중인 인물들을 다룹니다. 출처 여성시대 유저차프로미스나인 백지헌백지헌엔믹스 해원해원있지 유나유나전 아이즈원 현재 활동 아이브 안유진안유진스테이씨 세은세은케플러 김다연김다연르세라핌 카즈하카즈하배우박지후. 4월 30일 정윤석 대한민국의 배우이주원 정윤석 대한민국의 배우 이주원. 2003년, 24세, 양, 1명, 보기.

이예빈 맥심 디시 홍화리 2005년생 아역배우 출신 여자연예인 올해 나이 2026년. 특징 2001년 청춘스타로 혜성처럼 등장해 청순 미녀 배우로 단숨에 스타 반열에 올랐다. Days ago 런닝맨 787회 오늘부터 구미호입니다만 레이스 배우 김혜윤 로몬 김종국 부인 신혼집 임대 멤버 지예은 지. 4월 30일 정윤석 대한민국의 배우이주원 정윤석 대한민국의 배우 이주원. 이선호, 대학생, 2003년 1211.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.