Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

先輩レスラーからの壮絶なイジメに耐えて悪役の道に活路を見出した。 卓越したプロデュース能力によって最高のヒールとなる。 全日本女子プロレス中継を小さい頃に見ていたのでクラッシュギャルズと極悪同盟の抗争はとても懐かしい。. 死神の目 成功 死体を見つけた。 死神の目 で忘れられた死を凝視した。 死神の目 失敗 死体は見つからなかった。. Personal life @timchi. マリーチ 4つの凝視を集めるのが面倒。マヒはアンノウン、魅了はラミア、死は魔鏡かアンノウン、石化はバジリスクから吸収するのが妥当。 （魅了凝視と死の凝視はデュラハンも良いという意見もある） r・a・b・i ねこだましと竜巻の習得が面倒。ねこだましはロッキーから、竜巻は玄武から.

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株式会社小学館のプレスリリース（2021年2月20日 11時30分）還暦現役女子プロレスラーが明かす熱狂と抗争の舞台裏。ダンプ松本『ザ・ヒール』. 随時更新中：20241210 更新 前書き 敵勢力レベルが上がりすぎると見切れないケース 1, Days ago モンスターの吸収と能力戦闘後に倒したモンスターを吸収できる。吸収すると吸収したモンスター固有の能力を入手する。吸収時には所有している能力によって別のモンスターボディに変身する。この内、マリーチ、デュラハン、黒竜の変身はトロフィーの対象になっている。妖魔武具に憑依.

先輩レスラーからの壮絶なイジメに耐えて悪役の道に活路を見出した。 卓越したプロデュース能力によって最高のヒールとなる。 全日本女子プロレス中継を小さい頃に見ていたのでクラッシュギャルズと極悪同盟の抗争はとても懐かしい。. ロマンシングサ・ガ2の攻略記事です。 このページのまとめ💡「閃き難度」と「見切り難度」は相関性のない全く別の値が設定されています。💡sfc版・リマスター版の場合、魅了などを用いて. Com › blacksurvival › 460734ザヒル ブラサバ資料室 gamerch. Jp › dumpfan2 › entry127941883771985319 勝田市民総合体育館 フォーク突き刺し事件 その① 時系列.

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凝視している時間をなくし、もっと大切な仕事を続けられるようにしたいと思っています。 nat ネタバレになるため言えませんが、とても素敵なナレーティブ・システムを.. Personal life @timchi..

北海道大学 連合獣医学研究科, 教授 2013年4月 2017年3月 2010年4月 2017年3月 2008年4月 2010年3月 1994年4月 read more. Jp › dumpfan2 › entry127941883771985319 勝田市民総合体育館 フォーク突き刺し事件 その① 時系列, Personal life @timchi. リトルナイトメア 凝視 eileenakatsukiのイラスト.

아사 ㅗㅜ ㅑ

Com › report3おまけ サガフロのモンスターについてのメモ, 映画『ザ・ヒル』のネタバレあらすじ結末と感想。 ザ・ヒルの紹介：2003年アメリカ映画。 大学の水泳部の部員たちが巨大なヒルに襲われ、原因を探ると、選手たちが使用したステロイドが原因だと分かりました。. Jp › item › 1『ザーヒル』 パウロ・コエーリョの感想 15レビュー ブクログ. サガフロンティアの攻略記事です。 このページのまとめ💡序盤～中盤はトリケプス→ブッチ or シュリーカーへの変身がオススメです。💡デュラハンは強いですが維持しにくいのがデメリットで、黒竜はデュラハン, 適当な技能を吸収して他のボディに変身した後、マジカルヒールを吸収してマリーチに戻すのが現実的です。 ユニコーンへの変身条件を回避するため、念のため魅了凝視を凝視の中で2番目以降にしておけば万全だと思います。.

ロマンシングサ・ガ2の攻略記事です。 このページのまとめ💡「閃き難度」と「見切り難度」は相関性のない全く別の値が設定されています。💡sfc版・リマスター版の場合、魅了などを用いて, Card gallery 『イニストラード：真夜中の狩り』のカード 《異世界の凝視》 インスタント あなたのライブラリーの一番上にあるカード3枚を見る。 そのうちの望む枚数をあなたの墓地に、残りをあなたのライブラリーの一番上に望む順番で置く。, の時代に投げ込まれている。 廃墟の大建築を降り. 『ザーヒル』パウロ・コエーリョ のみんなのレビュー・感想ページです15レビュー。作品紹介・あらすじ：すべての旅は、愛の物語である。失った愛を求め、作家は旅立つ。自らの魂のいまだ知られざる場所へと。全世界で800万部超の大ベストセラー、半自伝的話題作。.

심보틱 디시

映画『ザ・ヒル』のネタバレあらすじ結末と感想。 ザ・ヒルの紹介：2003年アメリカ映画。 大学の水泳部の部員たちが巨大なヒルに襲われ、原因を探ると、選手たちが使用したステロイドが原因だと分かりました。, ダメージこそあるものの、自衛能力が乏しいカメラマン。 ソロで活かすのは大変難しく、チーム戦向きではあるものの、移動スキルが無いので1ミスでチームの脚を引っ張ってしまう。 rも使い方によっては敵を助けることにもなってしまい、難しい。. 最後は問い詰められた阿部四郎が、トンズラして終わったのでした。 お客様は最後の山崎の阿部四郎への蹴りで多少の溜飲は下がりましたが、なお会場は騒然としたまま、怒り状態です。 まぁ、ヒートアップしたので、これはこれで良かった感じがします。, Jp › article › jorient1962452jstage. プロレスにおけるヒール（heel）は、プロレス興行のギミック上、悪役を務めて、視聴者を怒らせる立場のプロレスラーのこと 引用wikipedia 最近、 ダンプ松本さんのブログをよく見る。, の時代に投げ込まれている。 廃墟の大建築を降り.

아들 동갑 대학생 두명한테 이쁨 받으며 정신모차리는중 死神の目 成功 死体を見つけた。 死神の目 で忘れられた死を凝視した。 死神の目 失敗 死体は見つからなかった。. 平塚 雅人『ダンプ松本『ザ・ヒール』 極悪と呼ばれて』の感想・レビュー一覧です。 電子書籍版の無料試し読みあり。 ネタバレを含む感想・レビューは、ネタバレフィルターがあるので安心。. ダンプ・ザ・ヒール 定価：715円（税込） 原 秀則 原案協力／ ダンプ松本 原案協力／ 平塚雅人. Freelance lifestyle writer 自由身媒體工作者，繼續寫一切生活中的（不）美好. 稲葉 睦 mutsumi inaba マイポータル. 신우준 디시

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아기맹수 erome 1話ごと、最初に現役時代の強烈なヒールのダンプさんが登場していたのが、いじめられ時代と対照的で、スカっとして、いい構成でした。 ダンプ松本さんの人生を知って、日本一憎まれた人は、日本一健気な少女だった。. この作品 「凝視」 は 「リトルナイトメア」「littlenightmares」 等のタグがつけられた「eileenakatsuki」さんのイラストです。. Lo timchiarchive 添子 read more. マリーチ 4つの凝視を集めるのが面倒。マヒはアンノウン、魅了はラミア、死は魔鏡かアンノウン、石化はバジリスクから吸収するのが妥当。 （魅了凝視と死の凝視はデュラハンも良いという意見もある） r・a・b・i ねこだましと竜巻の習得が面倒。ねこだましはロッキーから、竜巻は玄武から. Jp › item › 1『ザーヒル』 パウロ・コエーリョの感想 15レビュー ブクログ. 시오쨘 야동

시미켄 Jp › books › 09388793ダンプ松本『ザ・ヒール』 書籍 小学館. Com › entry › heel読書感想ダンプ松本さん「ザ・ヒール」〜極悪と呼ばれて〜. Lo timchiarchive 添子 read more. 該当の技は使用するがレベルが（上方向に高すぎて）合わない。 特に2が気になったのでベリーハードで1周した際にざっくりボス以外で取れる見切りを辞書に載せてそれを. Com › jim_botti › n読書記録ダンプ松本『ザ・ヒール』（平塚雅人）｜じんぼ.

쌍둥이 맑음 루나 稲葉 睦 mutsumi inaba マイポータル. Celebrate hari raya aidilfitri with sheng siong group. 最後は問い詰められた阿部四郎が、トンズラして終わったのでした。 お客様は最後の山崎の阿部四郎への蹴りで多少の溜飲は下がりましたが、なお会場は騒然としたまま、怒り状態です。 まぁ、ヒートアップしたので、これはこれで良かった感じがします。. マリーチ 4つの凝視を集めるのが面倒。マヒはアンノウン、魅了はラミア、死は魔鏡かアンノウン、石化はバジリスクから吸収するのが妥当。 （魅了凝視と死の凝視はデュラハンも良いという意見もある） r・a・b・i ねこだましと竜巻の習得が面倒。ねこだましはロッキーから、竜巻は玄武から. ザーヒル パウロ・コエーリョのあらすじ・感想.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.