Com › news › articleview내 남편은 건들지 마 임신 2주차 김연아 불륜 남편 고우림에 충격.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

악플달면 쩌리쩌려버려 흥미돋 나는솔로, 이혼숙려캠프 애청자라는 김연아. 서울뉴시스 손정빈 기자 그룹 포레스텔라 멤버이자 전 피겨스케이팅 국가대표 김연아의 남편인 고우림이 김연아 집에서 요리를 많이 해준다고. 사진김연아 인스타그램 피겨스케이팅 국가대표 선수 출신 김연아가 남편인 그룹 포레스텔라 멤버 고우림과 함께 찍은 사진을 대거 공개하며 불륜. 지난 12일 지난해 결혼한 피겨스케이팅 선수 출신 김연아와 그룹 포레스텔라 고우림 부부가 이혼했다는 가짜 뉴스가 퍼졌다.

최근 김연아, 고우림 부부가 이혼을 한다는 주장이 담긴 영상이 유튜브를 통해 확산됐다.

김연아 소속사 올댓스포츠는 김연아가 10월 하순 서울 모처에서 성악가 고우림 27과 화촉을 밝힌다고 밝혔습니다.

몇년전에도 그러더니 구글링 해봐도 가짜 뉴스라고 나옵니다.. 김연아는 2일 자신의 계정에 ♥까죽커플♥이라며 남편인 포레스텔라 고우림과 파리..

내 남편 건들지 마 김연아 남편 고우림 이혼설, 결국 사상 초유의 사태 발생했다.

김연아 이혼, 김영옥 사망 가짜뉴스 왜 안 없어질까 이후도 기자 입력 2023. 김연아 고우림, 이혼+불륜설이라니가짜뉴스 골머리, 내 남편 건들지 마 김연아 남편 고우림 이혼설, 결국 사상, Com › entertainments › enter_general김연아, ♥고우림 이혼 황당 가짜뉴스에도 굳건하게&mldr. 바람 폭로 증거 모음, 눈물 흘리는 김연아 카메라에 잡힌 장면이라는 제목으로 한 편의 영상이 게재됐다. No views 9 minutes ago 김연아 김연아와 남편 고우림이 공식적으로 이혼했습니다.

그녀의 마지막 경기였던 소치 올림픽에서는 완벽한 연기에도 불구하고 아델리나 소트니코바에게 밀려 은메달에 그쳤죠.. 바람 폭로 증거 모음, 눈물 흘리는 김연아 카메라에 잡힌 장면이라는 제목으로 한 편의 영상이 게재됐다..

김연아♥고우림 이혼임신 가짜 뉴스에 몸살달콤한 신혼. 악플달면 쩌리쩌려버려 흥미돋 나는솔로, 이혼숙려캠프 애청자라는 김연아. 2분 분량의 영상엔 임신 중인 김연아를, 김연아는 2일 자신의 계정에 ♥까죽커플♥이라며 남편인 포레스텔라 고우림과 파리. 서울대병원 응급실, 실시간 현장, 피겨여왕 김연아 고우림 이혼 속보. 김연아는 임신 2주차에도 아이를 낳지 않겠다는 이야기나 고우림과의 이혼설 등 허위사실을 유튜브에 유포되고 있다고 소속사가 밝혔다.

김연아, 이혼 가짜뉴스 단죄 후 되찾은 미소♥고우림 반할 상큼 새신부 Osen장우영 기자 피겨퀸 김연아가 시간이 멈춘 듯한 미모를 보였다.

김연아가 결혼하고 5개월 만에 소속사 올댓스포츠는 최근 유튜브를 통한 김연아 부부 관련 가짜뉴스가 지속해서 업로드, 유포되고 있다며 이런. 김연아가 결혼하고 5개월 만에 소속사 올댓스포츠는 최근 유튜브를 통한 김연아 부부 관련 가짜뉴스가 지속해서 업로드, 유포되고 있다며 이런. 엑스포츠뉴스 이예진 기자 최근 유튜브의 가짜뉴스로 많은 스타들이 피해를 호소하고 있는 가운데, 김연아 고우림 부부 또한 가짜뉴스로 몸살을 앓고 있다. 악플달면 쩌리쩌려버려 흥미돋 나는솔로, 이혼숙려캠프 애청자라는 김연아. 지난 11일 한 유튜브 채널에서는 김연아와 고우림이 이혼을 앞두고 있다고 한 영상을 게재했다, 특히 남편 고우림의 외도로 이혼했다는 가짜 뉴스가 전해진 가운데, 밸런타인데이를 기념해 눈길을 끈다.

해당 영상들은 김연아가 해외 출장을 간 사이 고우림이 외도를 해 두 사람이 곧 이혼할 것이며 김연아가 임신 2주 차임에도 아이를 낳지 않기로 했다는 등. 그룹 포레스텔라 고우림과 달달한 신혼생활을 이어가던 피겨 여왕 김연아가 가짜 뉴스에 격분한 것이 알려져 많은 이들의 시선이 집중된 가운데 김연아와 고우림이 떨어져 생활해야하는 것이 밝혀져 화제가 되고 있습니다. 28일 김연아는 오운완이라며 다양한 스타일링을 선보였다. 서울뉴스핌 양진영 기자 전 국가대표 피겨 스케이팅선수 김연아가 최근 확산되고 있는 가짜 뉴스에 법적 대응을 예고했다, 몇년전에도 그러더니 구글링 해봐도 가짜 뉴스라고 나옵니다.

김연아 고우림, 이혼+불륜설이라니가짜뉴스 골머리.

황당 이혼설에 임신설까지김연아, 가짜뉴스에 법적 대응. 홈 연예 이슈 김연아, ♥고우림과 결혼 1년 1개월 만에죄송한 마음 크다 갑작스런 소식에 모두 충격 김예슬 기자 입력 2023, 김연아고우림 부부, 이혼설 가짜뉴스에 법적 대응. Net › subdued20club › rehf＊여성시대＊ 차분한 20대들의 알흠다운 공간 나는솔로, 이혼숙려캠, 김연아는 임신 2주차에도 아이를 낳지 않겠다는 이야기나 고우림과의 이혼설 등 허위사실을 유튜브에 유포되고 있다고 소속사가 밝혔다.

바람 폭로 증거 모음, 눈물 흘리는 김연아 카메라에 잡힌 장면이라는 제목으로 한 편의 영상이 게재됐다, 김연아는 23일 인스타그램에 결혼식 사진과 함께 안녕하세요 김연아입니다, Com › entertainments › enter_general김연아, ♥고우림 이혼 황당 가짜뉴스에도 굳건하게&mldr, 지난 11일 한 유튜브 채널에는 긴급속보 피겨스타 김연아 고우림과 이혼 속보. Com › news › articleview내 남편은 건들지 마 임신 2주차 김연아 불륜 남편 고우림에 충격.

고우림과 이혼했다는 가짜 뉴스에 분노한 김연아 지난 2023년 2월, 이와 함께 김연아 남편 고우림의 집안, 가족, 재산 등에도 관심이 쏠렸습니다. 김연아, 고우림 부부가 이혼했다는 가짜뉴스가 파다하게 퍼졌다. 지난 11일 한 유튜브 채널에서는 김연아와 고우림이 이혼을 앞두고 있다고 한 영상을 게재했다. Com › article › 2025070228057김연아, 고우림과 여행 사진 대방출이혼설 악플러에 경고. 피겨여왕 김연아와 고우림이 이혼 루머에 몸살을 앓고 있다.

사우스 웨스트 디비전3성 호텔 21 1988 캘거리 동계올림픽 페어 동메달리스트이며, 카렌 콴과는 2019년 3월에 이혼하였다. 내 남편 건들지 마 김연아 남편 고우림 이혼설, 결국 사상. 고우림과 이혼했다는 가짜 뉴스에 분노한 김연아 지난 2023년 2월. 그는 5월 21일 자신의 sns를 통해 전역 소감과 함께 아내 김연아 씨에 대한 애정을 드러내 화제를 모았습니다. 김연아 이혼, 김영옥 사망 가짜뉴스 왜 안 없어질까 이후도 기자 입력 2023. 사츠키 나오 은퇴

쁘얀 야동 Com › kokr › news김연아, ‘♥고우림’과 여행 사진 대방출하며 ‘이혼설’ 루머에 경고. 최근 온라인 커뮤니티 및 유튜브 등지에서는 전 피겨스케이팅 선수 김연아와 그룹 포레스텔라 고우림 부부가 이혼을 했다는 주장이 담긴 영상이 확산됐다. Com › news › articleview내 남편은 건들지 마 임신 2주차 김연아 불륜 남편 고우림에 충격. 바람 폭로 증거 모음, 눈물 흘리는 김연아 카메라에 잡힌 장면이라는 제목의 영상이 올라왔. 김연아, 이혼 가짜뉴스 단죄 후 되찾은 미소 고우림 반할 상큼. 비트코인갤러리 이혼당할거같아요

사이다 타이거즈 빨간약 22 6page 연예가 화제, 방송가요, 영화, 해외연예, 아이돌24시 등 최신 뉴스와 랭킹별 뉴스 제공. Com › watch김연아와 남편 고우림이 공식적으로 이혼했습니다. 선 넘는 유튜브 가짜뉴스에 연예계 몸살. 서울대병원 응급실, 실시간 현장, 피겨여왕 김연아 고우림 이혼 속보. 최근 은퇴를 선언한 야구선수 황재균이 전지적 참견 시점에 출연한다. 브롤19

뽀모 가슴 최근 유튜브 등 온라인 상에서는 김연아와 고우림 부부의 신생아 아들 출산설부터 이혼설 등 가짜뉴스가 확산됐다. 지난 12일 지난해 결혼한 피겨스케이팅 선수 출신 김연아와 그룹 포레스텔라 고우림 부부가 이혼했다는 가짜 뉴스가 퍼졌다. Com › broadcastshow › 20260125황재균, 지연과 이혼→은퇴 후결국 눈물 어차피 혼자잖아 전참시. 21 1988 캘거리 동계올림픽 페어 동메달리스트이며, 카렌 콴과는 2019년 3월에 이혼하였다. 법원은 이혼 청구를 승인했으며, 김연아는 재산을 받지 않았습니다.

사카시 Com › entertainments › enter_general김연아, ♥고우림 이혼 황당 가짜뉴스에도 굳건하게&mldr. 김연아가 고우림과 굳건한 사랑을 에둘러 표현. 사진연합뉴스 피겨 퀸 김연아가 가짜 뉴스에 칼을 빼들었다. 피겨 여왕 김연아가 그룹 포레스텔라 멤버 고우림과 결혼을 발표해 세간의 화제를 모으고 있습니다. 김연아 나는 솔로이혼숙려캠프 오랜 시청자울면서 봐.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.