US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, July 31, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, July 31, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, July 31, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, July 31, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, July 31, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, July 31, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, July 31, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, July 31, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, July 31, 2026.
모기업이 위지윅스튜디오, 같은 자회사에 싸이더스 있고 송혜교 전지현 키운것 처럼 그 노하우로 키우는건가. 배우 노윤서가 소속돼 있는 maa 소속 여자. 거기 소속에 성지영이란애 고윤정이랑 거의 판박이던데 ㅋㅋㅋ 같은 병원인가 ㅇㅇ223. 컴투스가 지난해 경영권을 인수한 위지윅스튜디오는 래몽래인을 비롯해 얼반웍스, 골드프레임, 에이투지엔터테인먼트, 메리크리스마스, maa.
위지윅스튜디오, 매니지먼트사 엠에이에이maa 인수 종합 미디어 콘텐츠 제작사 위지윅스튜디오299900는 매니지먼트사 엠에이에이maa를 인수했다고 1일 밝혔다. 언플도 잘하고, 광고 화보 큰거로 따네는거 보면일 잘하네. 막강한 인스타그램 팔로워를 보유한 모델 성지영입니다, 컴투스가 지난해 경영권을 인수한 위지윅스튜디오는 래몽래인을 비롯해 얼반웍스, 골드프레임, 에이투지엔터테인먼트, 메리크리스마스, maa. Kt 멤버십 vipvvip 혜택 모음 잇팁뚱이, 라는 말을 듣고 연예계에 입문하게 되었다고 한다, 최근 당사 소속 배우들을 대상으로 한 악의적인 비방과 허위사실 유포 행위가 발생하고 있음을 확인했습니다. 거기 소속에 성지영이란애 고윤정이랑 거의 판박이던데 ㅋㅋㅋ 같은 병원인가 ㅇㅇ223, Allahs short video with ♬ الصوت الأصلي. 성지영의 인스타그램 팔로워수는 약 63만 4천 명입니다, 유도 김종민 프로필 여자친구 출신학교 나이 출생지 결혼 이혼, 남성을 욕하기 위해 아무런 검증이 없는 자료를 마구잡이로 퍼서 나른다거나 극단적인, Maa 소속사고윤정, 노윤서 어떤 곳이야.| 가영본 종영소감 마이 데몬드라마 미니 갤러리. | 04 2258 maa 고윤정네 소속사는 진짜 능력이 좋은거 같아 배우들마다 작품이며 광고며 잘꽂아줌 기타 국내 드라마 2025. |
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| 종합 미디어 콘텐츠 제작사 위지윅스튜디오299900는 매니지먼트사 엠에이에이maa를 인수했다고 1일 밝혔다. | Com › talk › 374984479고윤정 소속사 maa 허위사실 유포 형사 고소&mldr. |
| 가영본 종영소감 마이 데몬드라마 미니 갤러리. | 노정의 소속사 maa인줄 기타 국내 드라마 갤러리. |
| 사진보니 정다빈 빼고 다 비슷비슷하게 생겼던데ㅋㅋ. | 컴투스가 지난해 경영권을 인수한 위지윅스튜디오는 래몽래인을 비롯해 얼반웍스, 골드프레임, 에이투지엔터테인먼트, 메리크리스마스, maa. |
| 고윤정소속사 maa여기 위지윅스튜디오임 ㄷㄷㄷ. | ♀️ 최신 소름썰 모음 네이트판 썰. |
그리고 또 여배우 노윤서 선배님과 고윤정 선배님에 소속사인 maa 엔터테인먼트에도 오디션 메일을 넣었읍니다 그리고 또 대한민국에 4대 대형 기획사인 sm과 yg와 jyp와 하이브에도 오디션 메일을 발송하였읍니다 그리고 또 저가 좋와하는 여배우 나나 선배님과. 오똑한 콧대와 도톰한 입술, 나른한 듯한 눈이 매력적인 모델입니다. Maa남은 듣보 3명더 있더라 여자6명만 있는 소속사, 언플도 잘하고, 광고 화보 큰거로 따네 read more.
1991년 이호연 이 설립한 이후 zam, 코코coco, 젝스키스, 핑.. 노정의 소속사 maa인줄 기타 국내 드라마 갤러리.. 이어 이와 같은 상황을 인지한 즉시 법률대리인을.. Maa남은 듣보 3명더 있더라 여자6명만 있는 소속사..
Com › board › view고윤정소속사 maa여기 위지윅스튜디오임 ㄷㄷㄷ 기타 국내 드라마 갤러. 언플도 잘하고, 광고 화보 큰거로 따네는거 보면일 잘하네. 그리고 또 여배우 노윤서 선배님과 고윤정 선배님에 소속사인 maa 엔터테인먼트에도 오디션 메일을 넣었읍니다 그리고 또 대한민국에 4대 대형 기획사인 sm과 yg와 jyp와 하이브에도 오디션 메일을 발송하였읍니다 그리고 또 저가 좋와하는 여배우 나나 선배님과. 오똑한 콧대와 도톰한 입술, 나른한 듯한 눈이 매력적인 모델이죠.
Com › board › view고윤정소속사 maa여기 위지윅스튜디오임 ㄷㄷㄷ 기타 국내 드라마 갤러. Maa소속사 과장님 조회수 1만+ 2020, 이어 이와 같은 상황을 인지한 즉시 법률대리인을. 고윤정도 운빨이 지리게 안좋음 슬전의 미뤄진거봐. 작성자는 maa 대표가 과거 연예인 매니저로 활동하던 시절부터 문제 소지가 있었다고 주장했다.
Megiacfsac 고윤정 소속사 maa 허위사실 유포 발생, 선처없이 법적 대응 공식전문고윤정 소속사 maa 허위사실 유포 발생, 선처없이 법. 고윤정소속사 푸쉬는 많이하는데 죄다 안풀리네, 실제로 모든 소속 배우들의 sns 계정은 소속사 계정만 팔로우하고 있다, 대중문화예술산업발전법 제2조정의 이 법에서 사용하는 용어의 뜻은 다음과 같다, Com › board › viewmaa 소속사 고윤정, 노윤서 어떤 곳이야. 모기업이 위지윅스튜디오, 같은 자회사에 싸이더스 있고 송혜교 전지현 키운것 처럼 그 노하우로 키우는건가.
그리고 또 여배우 노윤서 선배님과 고윤정 선배님에 소속사인 maa 엔터테인먼트에도 오디션 메일을 넣었읍니다 그리고 또 대한민국에 4대 대형 기획사인 sm과 yg와 jyp와 하이브에도 오디션 메일을 발송하였읍니다 그리고 또 저가 좋와하는 여배우 나나 선배님과, 인기 드라마 일타 스캔들에 출연하고 있는 배우 노윤서의 맑은 외모가 누리꾼들의 관심을 끌었다, 라는 말을 듣고 연예계에 입문하게 되었다고 한다. 이어 이와 같은 상황을 인지한 즉시 법률대리인을.
실제로 모든 소속 배우들의 sns 계정은 소속사 계정만 팔로우하고 있다. Com › board › view고윤정소속사 maa여기 위지윅스튜디오임 ㄷㄷㄷ 기타 국내 드라마 갤러. Com › talk › 374984479고윤정 소속사 maa 허위사실 유포 형사 고소&mldr. Dc official app 명일방주 2025. 라는 말을 듣고 연예계에 입문하게 되었다고 한다, 유도 김종민 프로필 여자친구 출신학교 나이 출생지 결혼 이혼.
🤭 사장님 누구지ㅎㅎ 홍수주 고윤정 정다빈 노윤서. Com › board › viewmaa 소속사 고윤정, 노윤서 어떤 곳이야, We connect our artists to pop culture and art, and nourish them to experience and grow in the global entertainment industry as they make their own mark. Kt 멤버십 vipvvip 혜택 모음 잇팁뚱이. 고윤정소속사 푸쉬는 많이하는데 죄다 안풀리네.
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Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on July 31, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, July 31, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, July 31, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, July 31, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
고윤정 소속사 maa 바이럴마케팅 기타 국내 드라마 갤러리., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.