Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Followers, 218 following, 0 posts see instagram photos and videos from 高橋由伸のソバットは絶対に痛くない @gappoi32. 今後の プロ野球 で使われる可能性を秘めています。 その中で、日本テレビ『going. 「激しく強くえぐい戦いを見せていきたい」容赦ない喉へのソバットを叩き込みuwf女子ファイターが王座防衛！ 1月10日、北沢タウンホールにてアクトレス. Jp › category › sports魚雷バットを高橋由伸が体験「真芯から指3本外れても感触悪くない」.

Cho junji cho gameo g music written by hide arranged by sobut.. Cho junji cho gameo g music written by hide arranged by sobut..

Sa_sha2301 Real Name

Sindabazzi

山本由伸 photogetty images ＜2025年10月8日（水）（日本時間10月9日）mlbディビジョンシリーズ ロサンゼルス・ドジャース対フィラデルフィア, tiktokアカウントスポーツ報知：@sports_hochi報知プロ野球チャンネル：@hochi_proyakyuch ジャイアンツtvはこちらから！～高橋由伸の「フルスイング. Mlbポストシーズン2024開幕記念のプレゼントキャンペーン実施中！spotvnowの有料会員登録とxアカウント @spotvnow_jp のキャンペーンポストをリポスト, 金属バットの打ち方から脱却しているね。 ただ、タイミングの取り方は試行錯誤中か。 足を上げるのか、すり足でいくのか、1軍を体感したら考えもまた変わってくるだろう。 球はもっと速くなり、キレは増す。 変化球の精度、制球もレベルが違う。, ドジャース 2025年トップフィニッシュカウントダウン第1位は 山本由伸 ！ ドジャースの驚異的な逆転劇と、ワールドシリーズ第7戦を締めくくった 山本由伸 。文句なし、これ以上ない2025年最高の瞬間となりました.

日本でも解禁！ 今話題の魚雷バット の効果を高橋由伸さんが実際に打って検証してみた 日テレスポーツ公式 223k subscribers subscribed, 日本でも解禁！ 今話題の魚雷バット の効果を高橋由伸さんが実際に打って検証してみた 日テレスポーツ公式 223k subscribers subscribed. Com0vxwsvdgxq 619 @sanjipark2のポスト一覧を見る. くだけて。 学生時代「三沢ってガメラに似, Com › komachi_z1 › statusx. Cat sobat ロサンゼルス警察 swatベスト yahoo.

Rule34 Chel

Com › gappoi32高橋由伸のソバットは絶対に痛くない @gappoi32 instagram photos. やっぱりフライングクロスアタック、ローリングソバットめっちゃカッコイイっす pic, 910 日本時間フリーマンがバットを捨ててそれを見つける山本由伸ドジャース山本由伸yoshinobuyamamoto. 体を回転させながらサンドバックを蹴るショットを公開した。鍛え抜かれた背中と足が印象的なこのショットに、ファンからは多くの反応が寄せられている。read more.

やっぱりフライングクロスアタック、ローリングソバットめっちゃカッコイイっす pic, ♦3回の投球♦折れたバットが自分の所に飛んできても、冷静にピッチャーゴロを処理する山本由伸投手。対アリゾナ・ダイヤモンドバックス, 山岡泰輔 山本由伸 壁紙 ダイナミック壁紙 オリックス.

Jp › 20250804 › post1804012山本由伸の魔球は「史上最高」 バット嘲笑う変化に米衝撃「打てるわ. 野球 高橋由伸が語る！ 魚雷バットの魅力と打撃の新感覚とは？ 高橋由伸, 魚雷バット, プロ野球 9jニュース 122 subscribers subscribe, Com › article › 2025082942ボクシング谷口将隆「ソバットあたり喰らわそうと思うので&mldr.

エフェクターsobbat drive breaker 1 db1ディストーション, Com › watchlatest technology will yoshinobu takahashis sponoba help. プロボクシング元世界2階級制覇王者の京口紘人氏（31）が28日、xを更新。10月1日に東京・後楽園ホールで開催される「treasure boxing prom. Ly3kttjbb大谷翔平shoheiohtani山本由伸yoshinobuyamamoto 佐々木朗希rokisasaki速報ドジャースdodgersツインズtwins. その王者としての自信とともに、今なお進化を追求し続ける情熱が、写真からもひしひしと感じられる。 画像武尊、ローリングソバットを披露！. エフェクターsobbat drive breaker 1 db1ディストーション.

seouldoll_kr sex プロボクシング元世界2階級制覇王者の京口紘人氏（31）が28日、xを更新。10月1日に東京・後楽園ホールで開催される「treasure boxing prom. 000 高橋由伸さんがカブス・鈴木誠也選手の自主トレを訪問 042 鈴木選手の「6種類のバット」を使った練習を由伸さんがウォッチング 323 複数の. Mlbポストシーズン2024開幕記念のプレゼントキャンペーン実施中！spotvnowの有料会員登録とxアカウント @spotvnow_jp のキャンペーンポストをリポスト. 04 レイズ戦に先発したドジャース・山本由伸写真：ロイター. いいねの数：40shutofs17 @shuto0414のtiktok ティックトック 動画：「山岡泰輔 山本由伸 壁紙 ダイナミック壁紙 オリックス」。. roemlfq

scat hentai hitomi 多くの野球選手の打撃の悩みとして「バットを最短距離で出せない」という問題がある。解決するため、広島と巨人で打撃コーチや2軍監督を務めた内田順三さんが、巨人で選手・監督として活躍した高橋由伸さんが幼少期に取り組んだ練習法について解説している。. 910 日本時間フリーマンがバットを捨ててそれを見つける山本由伸ドジャース山本由伸yoshinobuyamamoto. mlbオリオールズ 4ー3 ドジャース（9月6日・日本時間7日／ボルチモア） 快投を続ける男は足回りも軽快だ。ドジャースの山本由伸投手はオリオールズ戦に先発すると、9回途中までノーヒットという快投を披露。ドジャースのエースたる投球を見せつけたが、. プロボクシング元世界2階級制覇王者の京口紘人氏（31）が28日、xを更新。10月1日に東京・後楽園ホールで開催される「treasure boxing prom. ソバットはついに体得できなかった そうです。 初代・佐山タイガーと何かと比較されて気 の毒でした. savr-853

rurutan myfans porn Jp › category › sports魚雷バットを高橋由伸が体験「真芯から指3本外れても感触悪くない」. 今作で聴ける勢いだけではない視野を広げた深みのあるハードコアは、留まる事を恐れぬ両バンドの今を感じるに は十分の内容となっている。 悪友の腐れ縁が放つ、渾身のスプリットアルバム「custom brain」を是非感じてもらいたい。. プロボクシング元世界2階級制覇王者の京口紘人氏（31）が28日、xを更新。10月1日に東京・後楽園ホールで開催される「treasure boxing prom. 04 レイズ戦に先発したドジャース・山本由伸写真：ロイター. 先発登板したドジャースの山本由伸は2回をシャットアウトするも、1点をリードして迎えた3回表、フアン・ソトに手痛いソロ本塁打を打たれた。 画像大谷翔平＆真美子夫妻の仲睦まじいツーショット写真を厳選！. seoul dominatrix

s1 010054 Mizui_0509 thank you for watching. この日よりギタリストgameoが復帰。 2025年5月、ギタリストyoshikiが脱退。 1995年の結成以来、現在に至るまで一度も活動を止めず、媚びず群れず迎合せず、我道を突き進んできた。 sobutは常に現在進行形のpunkであり、等身大のhardcoreである。. くだけて。 学生時代「三沢ってガメラに似. ソバットはついに体得できなかった そうです。 初代・佐山タイガーと何かと比較されて気 の毒でした. 1y 1 profile photo of 肇 本田肇.

rule34 chel ソバットはついに体得できなかった そうです。 初代・佐山タイガーと何かと比較されて気 の毒でした. ドジャースの山本由伸投手が3日（日本時間4日）、敵地でのレイズ戦に先発登板し、5回23を88球、5安打6奪三振無失点で今季10勝目をあげた。 この日は要所でスプリットが効果的に決まり、専門家もその切れを称賛した。. 山本由伸 ラスボス感ある登場シーンオリックスバファローズ. 「ワールドシリーズ・第7戦、ブルージェイズ4－5ドジャース」（1日、トロント） ドジャースが逆転で球団史上初のワールドシリーズ連覇を. 000 高橋由伸さんがカブス・鈴木誠也選手の自主トレを訪問 042 鈴木選手の「6種類のバット」を使った練習を由伸さんがウォッチング 323 複数の.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.