배급사 cj enm은 2일 영화 어쩔수가없다감독 박찬욱의 비하인드 스토리가 담긴 액터스 컷 영상을 공개했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이슈 손예진 인스타그램 업데이트 영화 어쩔수가없다 촬영사진 3,442 14 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 배급사 cj enm은 2일 영화 어쩔수가없다감독 박찬욱의 비하인드 스토리가 담긴 액터스 컷 영상을 공개했다. 어쩔수가없다 손예진 댄스 연습 열심히 했지만 편집박찬욱 감독에. 감독 박찬욱의 도전은 2005년 ‘친절한 금자씨’ 이후 20년 만의 베니스.

Based on the ax by donald westlake, the film stars lee byunghun, son yejin, park heesoon, lee sungmin, yeom hyeran, and cha seungwon. 장편 영화로 보면 〈공동경비구역 jsa〉 이후 25년 만의 재회이다, 위기가 닥쳐서야 그 대응 방식을 통해 비로소 성격이라고 할. ㄱㄴㄲ 손예진 비중 적지않고 뭔가 관객들 중심 잡아주는 캐릭터더라고 2, 온탕냉탕 박찬욱 어쩔수가없다 골든글로브 후보→박나래.

체인소맨 버디 뜻

르세라핌 김채원 백조 같아우아한 미모. 배우 손예진이 출산 후 복귀작으로 어쩔수가없다를 선택한 이유로 박찬욱 감독을 꼽았다, 이와 함께 박희순이성민염혜란차승원 등이 출연했다. 현빈은 지난 22일 진행된 어쩔수가없다 vip 시사회에 참석해 손예진을 응원했다.

청두 헌팅 디시

배우 이병헌, 손예진의 첫 만남과 박찬욱 감독의 신작으로 기대를 모으는 영화 어쩔수가없다가 지난 1월 15일 5개월간의 촬영을 마쳤다. No other choice korean 어쩔수가없다 is a 2025 south korean black comedy thriller film cowritten, produced, and directed by park chanwook, 어쩔수가없다 손예진 댄스 연습 열심히 했지만 편집박찬욱 감독에. 제82회 베니스 국제 영화제 의 미디어 프레스 월드 프리미어 시사회에서 관객들로부터 호평을 받았다. 황금황금사자상은 짐 자무쉬의 ‘파더 마더 시스터 브라더’에 돌아갔다. It is the second film adaptation of the novel, after the 2005 frenchlanguage feature the axe directed by.

박찬욱 감독은 그동안 올드보이, 아가씨 등으로. 이슈 손예진 인스타그램 업데이트 영화 어쩔수가없다 촬영사진 3,442 14 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 그냥 다 좋다고 하고, 수고했다고 하고라고 웃으면서 가족이나 가장 가까운 사람들 이야기는 믿지 않는다. 목이 잘려 나가는 듯한 충격에 괴로워하던.

Based on the ax by donald westlake, the film stars lee byunghun, son yejin, park heesoon, lee sungmin, yeom hyeran, and cha seungwon. 현빈은 지난 22일 진행된 어쩔수가없다 vip 시사회에 참석해 손예진을 응원했다. 스포츠조선 조지영 기자 박찬욱 감독의 신작 어쩔수가없다 모호필름 제작가 배우 이병헌, 손예진, 박희순, 이성민, 염혜란, 차승원, 유연석의 캐스팅을 완료하고 본격적인 촬영 준비에 돌입했다. 현빈은 지난 22일 진행된 어쩔수가없다 vip 시사회에 참석해 손예진을 응원했다. 장편 영화로 보면 〈공동경비구역 jsa〉 이후 25년 만의 재회이다, ㄴㅐ가 놓친 뭔가가 있나 궁금해서 물어봐.

배급사 cj enm은 2일 영화 어쩔수가없다감독 박찬욱의 비하인드 스토리가 담긴 액터스 컷 영상을 공개했다.. 차를 팔고, 아내손예진는 레슨을 그만두고, 아이들 역시 제약을 받는다.. 박찬욱 어쩔수가없다 베니스 국제영화제 수상 불발.. 스포츠조선 조지영 기자 박찬욱 감독의 신작 어쩔수가없다 모호필름 제작가 배우 이병헌, 손예진, 박희순, 이성민, 염혜란, 차승원, 유연석의 캐스팅을 완료하고 본격적인 촬영 준비에 돌입했다..

초등학생 남자 장난감

어쩔수가없다 감독 박찬욱, 제공배급 cj enm, 제작 모호필름cj enm 스튜디오스는. 이병헌손예진 등 출연, 유머와 연기 호평 속. 이산타사건으로 첫날부터 어느쪽 바이럴인지 작정하고 이병헌 찬양질하면서 손예진은 죽일듯 마녀사냥하는거 보고 놀람. 더쿠 텔ubtc99 한게임1명의 1개 개당.

웨스트레이크 소설 「액스the ax」, Com › kokr › news이병헌x손예진 어쩔 수가 없다, 29일 넷플릭스 공개&mldr. 어쩔수가없다 손예진 댄스 연습 열심히 했지만 편집박찬욱 감독에, 씨네21 어쩔수가없다 손예진 인터뷰 스포. Net › square › 3359143465더쿠 공식 박찬욱 감독 신작 어쩔수가없다 이병헌x손예진 캐스. With 이병헌, 손예진, 박희순, 이성민.

이병헌, 손예진, 박희순, 이성민, 염혜란 등 탄탄한 배우진이 함께한 이번.. 이병헌, 손예진, 박희순, 이성민, 염혜란, 차승원.. 목이 잘려 나가는 듯한 충격에 괴로워하던.. 그냥 다 좋다고 하고, 수고했다고 하고라고 웃으면서 가족이나 가장 가까운 사람들 이야기는 믿지 않는다..

ㄴㅐ가 놓친 뭔가가 있나 궁금해서 물어봐, 어쩔수가없다 감독 박찬욱, 제공배급 cj enm, 제작 모호필름cj enm 스튜디오스는. 이슈 손예진 인스타그램 업데이트 영화 어쩔수가없다 촬영사진 3,442 14 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo.

초대남 pikpak With 이병헌, 손예진, 박희순, 이성민. 어쩔수가없다는 박찬욱 감독과 이병헌이 공동경비구역 jsa, 쓰리, 몬스터 이후 오랜만에 재회하는 작품이자 이병헌과 손예진의 첫 연기 호흡, 여기에 박희순. 씨네21 어쩔수가없다 손예진 인터뷰 스포. 어쩔수가없다 감독 박찬욱, 제공배급 cj enm, 제작 모호필름cj enm 스튜디오스는. 박찬욱 감독은 그동안 올드보이, 아가씨 등으로. 초코밀크 드에린 쇼핑몰

축구부 게이 Days ago 안정된 삶이 무너지는 순간자리가 없다면, 내가 만든다25년 경력의 제지 전문가 만수이병헌는 스스로 다 이루었다고 느낄 만큼 만족스러운 삶을 살고 있다. 이번 청룡영화상 시상식에서 배우 현빈, 손예진 씨 부부가 함께 상을 받았습니다. 현실과 윤리 사이에서 흔들리는 한 남자의 고독한 생존기를 담은 블랙 코미디 스릴러. 2025년, 오래 전부터 영화화 의사를 밝혀왔던 소설 액스 the ax를 리메이크한《어쩔수가없다》로 복귀했다. 손예진은 19일 오전 서울 cgv용산아이파크몰에서 진행된 영화 어쩔수가없다 감독 박찬욱 제작보고회에서 아이를 낳고 첫 작품이라 도움이 되지 않았나 생각한다라며 그 전에도 아이 엄마, 이혼녀 역할 해봤는데 실제로 경험한 것이 어떤 것과도 비교될 수. 초승달녀 av

체인소맨 레제 후기 디시 90 이병헌 은 〈쓰리, 몬스터〉 이후 21년 만에 박찬욱 감독 영화에 출연한다. Com › kokr › news이병헌x손예진 어쩔 수가 없다, 29일 넷플릭스 공개&mldr. Org › wiki › no_other_choiceno other choice wikipedia. 이와 함께 박희순이성민염혜란차승원 등이 출연했다. 이슈 손예진 인스타그램 업데이트 영화 어쩔수가없다 촬영사진 3,442 14 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 체인소맨 야함 디시

첸서갤 배급사 cj enm은 2일 영화 어쩔수가없다감독 박찬욱의 비하인드 스토리가 담긴 액터스 컷 영상을 공개했다. 박찬욱 감독과 배우 및 스태프들이 모여 무사 촬영을 기원하는 고사를 마친 어쩔수가없다는 오는. 그러나 그 안정은 회사의 한마디로 산산이. Net › square › 3359143465더쿠 공식 박찬욱 감독 신작 어쩔수가없다 이병헌x손예진 캐스. 온탕냉탕 박찬욱 어쩔수가없다 골든글로브 후보→박나래.

최연소 av 무명의 더쿠 20250924 132710 3. 제82회 베니스 국제 영화제 의 미디어 프레스 월드 프리미어 시사회에서 관객들로부터 호평을 받았다. No other choice korean 어쩔수가없다 is a 2025 south korean black comedy thriller film cowritten, produced, and directed by park chanwook. 그냥 다 좋다고 하고, 수고했다고 하고라고 웃으면서 가족이나 가장 가까운 사람들 이야기는 믿지 않는다. 차를 팔고, 아내손예진는 레슨을 그만두고, 아이들 역시 제약을 받는다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.