Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

리워크 대안이 나올 때마다 늘 새로운 효과로 뜯어고쳐졌고, 2020년에 최종적으로 확정되면서 지금의 효과로 정착되었다. 그래서 손오공이 죽은 후에야 태어난 유복자. 성인 오공의 키는 사실상 185cm정도로 생각하는듯. 친형인 라데츠보다 한참작고역시 셀보다 한참작으며절친인 피콜로한테도 개관광.

Sssss_oo06

S야스닷컴

Com › mgallery › board손오공 키 설정 175 밖에 안됐네 첨 앎 드래곤볼 다이마 마이너 갤. 테일즈런너의 16번째 런너 캐릭터로 베라에게 반해 동화나라에 남게 된 서유기의 주인공. 맨밑에 요약있음비슷한 나이대까지만 비교함손오공3살 부모 버독과 기네에 의해 지구로 보내짐원래 1권에서 손오공의 첫등장 나이는 12살이라고 나오지만 드래곤볼 마이너스에서 지구에 도착할 당시 나이가 3살이라는 설정이 추, 테일즈런너의 16번째 런너 캐릭터로 베라에게 반해 동화나라에 남게 된 서유기의 주인공.

Suzusimo Hitomi

상품 bandai입체 러버 마스코트 키체인 건프라군 83847. 비슷한 나이대까지만 비교함 손오공 3살 부모 버독과 기네에 의해 지구로 보내짐 원래 1권에서 손오공의 첫등장 나이는 12살이라고 나오지만 드래곤볼 마이너스에서 지구에 도착할 당시 나이가 3살이라는 설정이 추가되어 첫등장 나이는 14살이 맞는 것으로 밝혀짐. 손오공 생각보다 키 크네 드래곤볼 돗칸배틀 마이너 갤러리, 이 카드들 별로 정확하지 않은 것 같은데, 지금까지 몰랐었는데 드래곤볼 팬북 가이드북 드래곤볼 슈퍼 익사이팅 가이드 캐릭터편 이라는 책에 캐릭터들 설정이 나와있다고하더라구요 아직 제가 사지는않아서 인터넷에서 어떤분이 올리신자료로 쓰겠습니다손오공키 175 오공이 나보다 작다니 몸무게 62.

손오공이 야지로베보다 키가 훨씬 큰데, 카드에는 6인치밖에 차이 안 난다고 써 있네, 8 이 때문에 드래곤볼의 파워 인플레 현상을 비판할 때, 장난기 있지만 쾌활하고 붙임성이 좋은 성격이다. 드래곤볼 키의미 없음 드래곤볼 슈퍼 마이너 갤러리. 중국어 발음은 sūnwùkōng 쑨우쿵 10, 광동어 발음은 syun¹ng⁶hung¹ 슌음훙, 일본어 발음은 そんごくう 손고쿠로, 영문 표기는 작품을 만든 나라를 따라 원작인 《서유기》 의 손오공은 sun wukong, 만화 《드래곤볼》의 손오공 과 만화 《최유기》의 손오공 은 son goku로, 대한민국 완구업체 손오공 은.

The Studio Aznude

Gt에서 손오공이 드래곤볼로 초딩이되잖음.. 손오공 은 애칭으로 전쨩 이라 부르고 있으며 이는 한국판도 동일하다.. 일상 28개의 글 목록닫기 10줄 보기..

6 오공의 특유의 삐쭉빼죽한 헤어스타일은 작가인 토리야마 아키라 가 밝히기를 처음 디자인할 당시엔 의식하지 않았지만, 돌이켜보니 데즈카 오사무 의 작품인 철완 아톰 우주소년 아톰의 주인공인 아톰 의 헤어스타일에 영향을 받은 것 같다고 밝혔다. 애니 보면서 야무치보다 큰 오공 나오는 경우도보고 키 안맞는거 존나 많더라 몸무개도 말이 안되고 ㅋㅋ dc official app, 친형인 라데츠보다 한참작고역시 셀보다 한참작으며절친인 피콜로한테도 개관광.

겁나 작아보이던데 거의 유치원생수준으로. 리워크 대안이 나올 때마다 늘 새로운 효과로 뜯어고쳐졌고, 2020년에 최종적으로 확정되면서 지금의 효과로 정착되었다. 성인 오공의 키는 사실상 185cm정도로 생각하는듯.

Com › board › view싱글벙글 드래곤볼 손오공의 변화jpg 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 800받는다고했을때가 2주 방송하고 기준임. Com › discover › 엄행어사손오공키tiktok.

top queries 맨밑에 요약있음비슷한 나이대까지만 비교함손오공3살 부모 버독과 기네에 의해 지구로 보내짐원래 1권에서 손오공의 첫등장 나이는 12살이라고 나오지만 드래곤볼 마이너스에서 지구에 도착할 당시 나이가 3살이라는 설정이 추. 리워크 대안이 나올 때마다 늘 새로운 효과로 뜯어고쳐졌고, 2020년에 최종적으로 확정되면서 지금의 효과로 정착되었다. 손오공 생각보다 키 크네 드래곤볼 돗칸배틀 마이너 갤러리. Gt에서 손오공이 드래곤볼로 초딩이되잖음. 일상 28개의 글 목록닫기 10줄 보기. sudu001.p

thisvid cute korean 중국어 발음은 sūnwùkōng 쑨우쿵 10, 광동어 발음은 syun¹ng⁶hung¹ 슌음훙, 일본어 발음은 そんごくう 손고쿠로, 영문 표기는 작품을 만든 나라를 따라 원작인 《서유기》 의 손오공은 sun wukong, 만화 《드래곤볼》의 손오공 과 만화 《최유기》의 손오공 은 son goku로, 대한민국 완구업체 손오공 은. 맨밑에 요약있음비슷한 나이대까지만 비교함손오공3살 부모 버독과 기네에 의해 지구로 보내짐원래 1권에서 손오공의 첫등장 나이는 12살이라고 나오지만 드래곤볼 마이너스에서 지구에 도착할 당시 나이가 3살이라는 설정이 추. 여의봉을 사용한 여러 도술을 부릴 수 있다. 8 이 때문에 드래곤볼의 파워 인플레 현상을 비판할 때. 손오공 vs 손오공 손오공 키가 410. the turning 전체 영화 다운로드

tiwodnga Com › mgallery › board손오공 키 설정 175 밖에 안됐네 첨 앎 드래곤볼 다이마 마이너 갤. 손오공키 185cm몸무게 87kg베지터키 174cm몸무게 81kg크리링키 163cm몸무게 70kg손오반키 186cm몸무게 86kg원본에. 서유기의 주인공, 원숭이 수인 손오공. 손오공 은 애칭으로 전쨩 이라 부르고 있으며 이는 한국판도 동일하다. 맨밑에 요약있음비슷한 나이대까지만 비교함손오공3살 부모 버독과 기네에 의해 지구로 보내짐원래 1권에서 손오공의 첫등장 나이는 12살이라고 나오지만 드래곤볼 마이너스에서 지구에 도착할 당시 나이가 3살이라는 설정이 추. tumbex 와이프

straight guys cam lpsg 그래서 손오공이 죽은 후에야 태어난 유복자. 그래서 손오공이 죽은 후에야 태어난 유복자. 손오공한테만 관대하고 친절하게대해주네 호섭이한테는 욕하고 무시하고손오공은 술먹고 늦게와도 웃으면서 봐주네손오공하고 야차뜨면 엄태웅 줫발리나보네 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 성인 오공의 키는 사실상 185cm정도로 생각하는듯. 손오공 vs 손오공 손오공 키가 410.

ttalang 트위터 친형인 라데츠보다 한참작고역시 셀보다 한참작으며절친인 피콜로한테도 개관광. 드래곤볼 키의미 없음 드래곤볼 슈퍼 마이너 갤러리. 드래곤볼 드래곤볼 z 드래곤볼 슈퍼에 나오는 모든 캐릭터. 서유기의 주인공, 원숭이 수인 손오공. 성인 오공의 키는 사실상 185cm정도로 생각하는듯.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.