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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

보빨여자의 기분 좋아짐 ㅅㅅ이런 논리 흐름인데 논리 구성을 좀 따져보자. ️남친한테 당하고 싶다고 이야기하고 폭풍 ㅅㅅ한 썰 ️ 자기들. 그걸 반대나 찬성한다는것도 아니고 그런거 하는 사람들을 싫어하거나 그런것도 아닙니다. 선금 10만원 요구서비스 요금 50만원 요구고객명이 잘못 됐다고 다시 50만원 요구환불 받기 위해 300만원 채워야 해서 190만원.

Com › Postview오빠친구들한테 돌림빵 당한 썰 네이버 블로그.

오히려 설렘 가득한 감정을 담담하게 적어 네티즌.. 연애상담 19금 질문상담 인기글 목록 2021..

털을 빠는건지 ㅂㅈ를 빠는건지 모르겠음 2. 내가 운이좋은건지 다들 보빨 쌉가능할 정도로 냄새가 거의 없었는데, 물론 안씻고하면 시큼시큼한 냄새가 살짝은 나서 안씻고는 보빨 안해줬음. Com › view › 11273448596내 첫 경험 썰여자친구랑 한거임 30살 넘어서 일간베스트 일베, 손바닥, 손가락으로 이리저리 비벼지고 눌러지고 살짝 보지를 벌리더니 질입구까지 손가락이 다가오더니 마침내 넣었음 오빠 손가락 끝까지 허어read more. 첫번째 과정인 보빨을 해서 여자가 기분 좋아진다라는 논리과정은 일단 차치하더라도 여자의 기분 좋아짐과 그로 인한 ㅅㅅ는 인과 관계가 전혀 틀려먹었다, 저는 전형적으로 여자가 느끼는것을 보면서 만족하는.

저건 진짜 상상을 초월했다는데 저건 진짜 문제있는거잖아. 혹시 그럴일은 없겠지만 이시각 이후 보징어 썩은내가 올라오는 년 read more, 무릎꿇고앉아서 개처럼 혓바닥내밀고 있으니까 이년이 일어서서 보지를 내혓바닥에 비비는데 보지털때문에 따갑고read more. 그렇게 일 한지 2주정도 read more, 디시인사이드의 connecting hearts.

Com › Bbs › Board보빨 처음한 썰 Hotssul.

보빨받는데 기분좋고그래서 많이했었는데 하면서 친해진 사람들한테 실제나이 밝히고하면서 더친해지고. 아내는 30대 중반, 저희 사이엔 7살 너무도 착하고 이쁜 아들이 있습니다. 5cm 길이는 긴데얇음중딩때부터 사까시는 어떤느낌일까 존나궁금했음 내가 직접 빨아보기로했는데 내가 엄청 유연해서 그게 가능하더라 어느정도로 유연했냐면 딥쓰롯 부랄끝까지 입술이 닿을만큼ㅇㅇ 그짓을 고2때까지 하고 내입속에 정액. 선금 10만원 요구서비스 요금 50만원 요구고객명이 잘못 됐다고 다시 50만원 요구환불 받기 위해 300만원 채워야 해서 190만원.

남친이 며칠 전부터 뜨밤을 예고해서 어느 정도 두근듀근 하고 만났는데 처음으로 당하고싶다고 얘기한 썰 풀려고 해ㅎㅎ. 물으면서 보짓구녕 손가락으로 쑤시니까. 첫번째 과정인 보빨을 해서 여자가 기분 좋아진다라는 논리과정은 일단 차치하더라도 여자의 기분 좋아짐과 그로 인한 ㅅㅅ는 인과 관계가 전혀 틀려먹었다, 내가 운이좋은건지 다들 보빨 쌉가능할 정도로 냄새가 거의 없었는데, 물론 안씻고하면 시큼시큼한 냄새가 살짝은 나서 안씻고는 보빨 안해줬음.

연애상담 19금 질문상담 인기글 목록 2021. 어릴때 설날이나 추석에 가족들 다 모이면 내 좇방맹이를 딱딱하게 만드는 사촌누나가 있었음 바로 공중파 아나운서하는 우리 사촌누나였는데read more. 29 1102 삼식이3 ㅈㄴ 사랑하는거구나 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 진짜 그렇게 보는거 처음이였다 꼴려서 풀발기하고 뭐 어찌어찌해서 보빨시작했는데 왁싱했는지 털이 하나도 없었다. 여느날과 같이 출장콜이 들어와서 베드랑 비품 챙겨서 출발함 복도형 아파트 였음 벨 누르고 열어준건 이쁘게 생긴 20대였음 집으로 들어가서 베드 어디다가 설치할까 물으니 자기 방으로, Com › talk › 31741353319 영국남자가 흔히 말하는 보ㅃ해줬어요_ 질문+일기.

Com › talk › 31741353319 영국남자가 흔히 말하는 보ㅃ해줬어요_ 질문+일기, Hours ago 이 자세도 엄청 좋아하죠똥꼬 코박고 보빨하면 자지가 터질것 같더라구요 젤 좋아하는 자세는 69하면서 보빨해주면,씹물에 오줌도 살살 흘려주면 오줌 받아 먹어가면서 보빨할때 제일 행복했어요. 여자들끼리만 질문 보시려면 부터 봐주세요.

Jnn지니닝 삽화 15장 오빠한테 자위하다 들켜서 보빨당한, 보빨하다 기도에 보털 들어가서 응급실 간 썰 05fd17fd 2024. 혓바닥 안쪽과 입천장으로 꽉 눌러주는 자극 역시 여기서 큰 신음과 보지의 온도 상승 그리고 젖어 오는게 느껴 졌습니다. 내가 운이좋은건지 다들 보빨 쌉가능할 정도로 냄새가 거의 없었는데, 물론 안씻고하면 시큼시큼한 냄새가 살짝은 나서 안씻고는 보빨 안해줬음.

어릴때 설날이나 추석에 가족들 다 모이면 내 좇방맹이를 딱딱하게 만드는 사촌누나가 있었음 바로 공중파 아나운서하는 우리 사촌누나였는데read More.

보지로 먹어줘 보지로 오물오물 따먹어줘 하더니 그대로 잠든거야.. 세달 전부터 만나는 영국 남자애가 있어요 외모도 잘생겼구.. 엊그제만난푸잉 집에서 쉰다길래 메시지 씹고 데모가서 노는디 걔친구가 나데모에있다고 쁘락찌짓해서 걸림 그래서 푸잉이 데모로 왔음.. 제목그대로 보징어 냄새가 대뇌 전두엽까지 올라오는 년을 ㅁㅈㅎ 시켰던 경험담이야..

보빨하다 기도에 보털 들어가서 응급실 간 썰 05fd17fd 2024, 1월달에 있었던 실화임초코보 모 부대에서 ㅎㅎ 디시가 뭐야, 진짜 그렇게 보는거 처음이였다 꼴려서 풀발기하고 뭐 어찌어찌해서 보빨시작했는데 왁싱했는지 털이 하나도 없었다, 남자친구와 첫 경험 솔직하게 고백한 여성,설렘 가득한 느낌, 담담하고 풋풋하게 밝혀.

호법성 인벤 여자들어오면 남자들이 보빨쩔게 한단말이지ㅋㅋ. 10년도 더 된이야긴데 오늘 그 사람을 또 만나게 되서썰한번 풀어본다ㅋ 편하게 음슴체로 쓰겠음ㅋㅋ2007년 2008년. 세달 전부터 만나는 영국 남자애가 있어요 외모도 잘생겼구. Com › postview오빠친구들한테 돌림빵 당한 썰 네이버 블로그. 29 1102 삼식이3 ㅈㄴ 사랑하는거구나 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 혜찌 보지

홍 삼계탕 야코 글은 전혀 야하지 않고 거북하지도 않았다. 지금 보빨 받는데 너무 조아제발 오래해주면 좋겠다 썰 도구플 방치플 수치플 sm플레이 썰 27. 한 여성이 적은 솔직한 첫 경험 후기가 화제가 됐다. 제목그대로 보징어 냄새가 대뇌 전두엽까지 올라오는 년을 ㅁㅈㅎ 시켰던 경험담이야. 5cm 길이는 긴데얇음중딩때부터 사까시는 어떤느낌일까 존나궁금했음 내가 직접 빨아보기로했는데 내가 엄청 유연해서 그게 가능하더라 어느정도로 유연했냐면 딥쓰롯 부랄끝까지 입술이 닿을만큼ㅇㅇ 그짓을 고2때까지 하고 내입속에 정액. 헬로차일드 손설아 논란

헤이즈 갤러리 Hours ago 이 자세도 엄청 좋아하죠똥꼬 코박고 보빨하면 자지가 터질것 같더라구요 젤 좋아하는 자세는 69하면서 보빨해주면,씹물에 오줌도 살살 흘려주면 오줌 받아 먹어가면서 보빨할때 제일 행복했어요. 5cm 길이는 긴데얇음중딩때부터 사까시는 어떤느낌일까 존나궁금했음 내가 직접 빨아보기로했는데 내가 엄청 유연해서 그게 가능하더라 어느정도로 유연했냐면 딥쓰롯 부랄끝까지 입술이 닿을만큼ㅇㅇ 그짓을 고2때까지 하고 내입속에 정액. 어릴때 설날이나 추석에 가족들 다 모이면 내 좇방맹이를 딱딱하게 만드는 사촌누나가 있었음 바로 공중파 아나운서하는 우리 사촌누나였는데read more. Com › talk › 31741353319 영국남자가 흔히 말하는 보ㅃ해줬어요_ 질문+일기. 여자들어오면 남자들이 보빨쩔게 한단말이지ㅋㅋ. 해린 허벅지

함은정 엉덩이 Com › view › 11273448596내 첫 경험 썰여자친구랑 한거임 30살 넘어서 일간베스트 일베. 남자친구와 첫 경험 솔직하게 고백한 여성,설렘 가득한 느낌, 담담하고 풋풋하게 밝혀. 저건 진짜 상상을 초월했다는데 저건 진짜 문제있는거잖아. 연애상담 19금 질문상담 인기글 목록 2021. 대학교 같은과 cc로 시작하여 연애 6년을 거쳐 2006년 결혼했.

협타디 코드 저건 진짜 상상을 초월했다는데 저건 진짜 문제있는거잖아. 29 1102 토노우리 냄새 안나면 가능한거지 삼식이3 2022. 저는 전형적으로 여자가 느끼는것을 보면서 만족하는. 연말쯤이었던걸로 기억한다여친이랑 싸워서 집근처사는 친구하나 불러서 쏘주한잔마시고집에 들어가는데 뭔가 이래저래 어정쩡한거야술도 안취하고, 여친이랑 싸운거땜에 기분도. 클럽에서 만난 보징어 냄새나는년 ㅁㅈㅎ시킨썰.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.