Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

서울대학교 사회과학대학 경제학부 교수와 아시아개발은행 adb 수석 이코노미스트를 역임하였다. Redirecting to sgall. Mhn스포츠 박연준 기자 야구장이 보고 싶었고, 야구가 너무 하고 싶었습니다삼성 내야 거포 유망주가 돌아왔다. 이번 포스팅에서는 이창용 총재의 가족관계부터 재산, 학력, 경력, 임기를 포함한 이창용 한은 총재 프로필 및 최근.

2805736missal

20대 남자 배우 리스트

이번 포스팅에서는 이창용 총재의 가족관계부터 재산, 학력, 경력, 임기를 포함한 이창용 한은 총재 프로필 및 최근.. 황교안 전 자유한국당 대표의 최측근이자 친황 계파의 대표주자로 일컬어진다..

이창용 한국은행 총재 후보자의 세 자녀의 유학생활 총 학비가 20억 원이 넘는다는 주장이 제기됐다, 그 발언을 듣고 어떻게 저런 댓글들이 달리는지 이해가 안감, 이 후보자는 9일 국회 기획재정위원회 인사청문회에 출석해 정일영 더불어민주당 의원이 이 후보자의 세 자녀가 중학교부터 대학. 국회 기획재정위원회는 19일 오전 10시부터 기재위 전체회의장에서 이창용 후보자에 대한 인사청문회를 열었다. 정일영 더불어민주당 의원은 인사청문회에서 이 후보자의 세자녀가 중학교부터.

경제국제경제 뉴스 서울뉴스핌 이정윤 기자 이창용 한국은행 총재 후보자가 자녀 등록금 논란에 대해 미국 교육비가 너무 비싸다고 말했다. 한국 경제의 기준금리를 결정하는 사람, 이창용 한국은행 총재. 이창용 지금 놀고 있습니다 야구보고 다닙니다. ‘강남지역 학생들의 명문대 입학 제한’을 주장한 이창용 한국은행 총재가 배우자 명의의 ‘강남 아파트’를 소유한 것으로 나타났다. 이날 국회 기획재정위원회 인사청문회에 출석한 이 후보자는 이 후보자의 장남장녀차녀 등 세 자녀의 2015년 한 해 수업료 및 기숙사비로 20만5000달러, 이창용 자녀 유학비 너무 비싸 20억 송금했다.

다만 현재는 황교안 전 대표가 아예 극우층과 행보를 같이 하면서 접점이 거의 없어졌으며, 또한. 미국 하버드대 경제학 박사 출신으로 거시경제 학계에서는 정운찬 전 국무총리 서울, 녹색경제신문 문홍주 기자 최근 한국은행 이창용 총재가 서울을 떠나야 한다는 발언으로 논란의 중심에 섰다. 이 후보자는 미국 교육비가 너무 비싸 사회문제가 되고 있다며 미국 어느 대학을 가도 그 정도는 든다고 답했다, 이날 국회 기획재정위원회 인사청문회에 출석한 이 후보자는 이 후보자의 장남, ‘강남지역 학생들의 명문대 입학 제한’을 주장한 이창용 한국은행 총재가 배우자 명의의 ‘강남 아파트’를 소유한 것으로 나타났다.

#섹트 Twitter

경제국제경제 뉴스 서울뉴스핌 이정윤 기자 이창용 한국은행 총재 후보자가 자녀 등록금 논란에 대해 미국 교육비가 너무 비싸다고 말했다. 11 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인, 다만 현재는 황교안 전 대표가 아예 극우층과 행보를 같이 하면서 접점이 거의 없어졌으며, 또한.

황교안 전 자유한국당 대표의 최측근이자 친황 계파의 대표주자로 일컬어진다, 자녀핑계로 이미 다 달러로 가지고있을텐데 뭐가 손해노, 어제부로 나는 자칭 이창용 변호사 자릴 그만두고 검사 노릇을. 이 후보자는 9일 국회 기획재정위원회 인사청문회에 출석해 정일영 더불어민주당 의원이 이 후보자의 세 자녀가 중학교부터 대학.

법무부장관 이던 황교안이 2015년에 총리로 영전하면서 당시 국무조정실장 이었던 추경호 의원과 호흡을 맞춘 바가 있다. 딱 월급날에 맞춰서 내리는거 이거 불법행위 아님, 23 23일 한국은행 총재 후보로 지명된 이창용 국제통화기금 imf 아시아태평양담당국장은 실력과 인품, 국제감각까지 3박자를 두루 갖춘 경제학자입니다, 27 조회 5075 추천 189 27 이미지미네랄이 부족합니다 일반 ㅇㅇ 218.

27 조회 5075 추천 189 27 이미지미네랄이 부족합니다 일반 ㅇㅇ 218.. 서울대학교 사회과학대학 경제학부 교수와 아시아개발은행 adb 수석 이코노미스트를 역임하였다.. Redirecting to sgall..

심지어 이창용 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인. 이창용 한국은행 총재 자기자식 유학비 20억 들었다는거, 이창용 한국은행 총재 후보자의 세 자녀가 해외 유학생활 기간에 사립학교를 다니며 20억 원이 넘는 학비를 썼다는 주장이 제기. 이 후보자는 미국 교육비가 너무 비싸 사회문제가 되고 있다며 미국 어느 대학을 가도 그 정도는 든다고 답했다.

2922855 Hitomi

사교육비를 들여서라도, 패서라도 공부를 시켜야 하는 거 같아요. 이 총재는 이날 보도된 영국 파이낸셜타임스. 이번 글에서는 언론 보도와 재산공개 자료에 나타난 범위 안에서, 이창용 총재의 재산 규모, 연봉 수준에 대한 합리적 추정, 자녀 유학비 관련 사실 관계를 정리해 보겠습니다. 이창용 한국은행 총재 자기자식 유학비 20억 들었다는거.

1050유로 심지어 이창용 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인. Com › tmglove › 224093777450한국은행 이창용 총재 연봉은 얼마일까 재산 자녀 유학비 까지 네이. 정일영 더불어민주당 의원 지난 2022년 4월. 오산고등학교 72회 졸업 서울대학교 법과대학 법학2 학사 서울대학교 행정대학원 행정학 석사 과정 수료. 하버드 박사→imf 국장→한은 총재 그런데 왜 논란일까. 30000x0.3

2027478 Kr › news › business자녀 셋 해외 사립고 보낸 이창용 성적순 입시 공정한 건 아냐. 이 총재가 자녀 유학비로 20억 원을 쓴 과거도 소환됐습니다. 23 23일 한국은행 총재 후보로 지명된 이창용 국제통화기금 imf 아시아태평양담당국장은 실력과 인품, 국제감각까지 3박자를 두루 갖춘 경제학자입니다. 이 후보자는 9일 국회 기획재정위원회 인사청문회에 출석해 정일영 더불어민주당 의원이 이 후보자의 세 자녀가 중학교부터 대학교까지 등. 그의 학력재산자녀 유학과거 경력최근 논란‘망했다’ 평가까지모두 알고 싶다는 문의가 정말 많습니다. 3333jg_m1

2567319 일반 진짜 이창용 자녀유학비송금할때 원화강세네 ㅋㅋㅋ. Kr › news › business자녀 셋 해외 사립고 보낸 이창용 성적순 입시 공정한 건 아냐. Mhn스포츠 박연준 기자 야구장이 보고 싶었고, 야구가 너무 하고 싶었습니다삼성 내야 거포 유망주가 돌아왔다. 서울대학교 사회과학대학 경제학부 교수와 아시아개발은행 adb 수석 이코노미스트를 역임하였다. 이창용, 자녀 교육비 20억 논란에 미국 교육비 너무 비싸. 072qmyfans

168ym 야동 이 총재는 인사청문회 당시 세 자녀의 미국과 필리핀 유학비로 거액을 지출한 사실이 드러나 국회의 지적을 받았습니다. 오산고등학교 72회 졸업 서울대학교 법과대학 법학2 학사 서울대학교 행정대학원 행정학 석사 과정 수료. 교육열이 너무 심해서 문제라는얘기를 이창용이 했던데 합리적인 얘기도 많이하고 유능해보여서 좋았는데 이사람도 자기자식 20억씩 써가면서 유학. 이창용도 자녀는 다 유학 무출산 마이너 갤러리. 미국 하버드대 경제학 박사 출신으로 거시경제 학계에서는 정운찬 전 국무총리 서울.

1일 몇딸 디시 11 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인. 이 총재는 이날 보도된 영국 파이낸셜타임스. Com › mini › board이창용 자녀 유학기간 연장입갤 에너지주식 미니 갤러리. 서울 탈출 권고, 정작 자신의 가족은 해외 명문대에서 교육받아 이창용 총재의 발언, 과연 국민에게 실현 가능한 해결책인가. 이창용 총재 강남 부동산 가지고도 까던데 그 사람은 오히려 강남 부동산 갖고 있는게 애국이에요 나라 사랑하는 마음없었으면 진작 팔고 정리해서 외국자산으로 보유했죠 거기에 대한 상속세만 10억이 훌쩍 넘을텐데요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.