Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

세컨알바 밤알바, 유흥알바 구인 플랫폼 유흥구인구직 유흥업소, 윙크알바, 욜로알바, 악녀알바, 고소득알바, 아르바이트 를 제공하는 세컨알바 플랫폼 입니다. 여성을 위한 대한민국 유흥알바 취업사이트. 지역별 업종별 테마별 정보를 제공합니다. 여성을 위한 대한민국 유흥알바 취업사이트.

후타나리 연금술사 트리스

후타나리 애니

황시후 초모 임신

여성알바 유흥알바 밤알바 룸알바 업소알바 최신가이드.. 유흥알바 밤알바 업소알바 여성알바 구인구직 플랫폼 밤알바를 통해 목표를 이루고 꿈을 실현한 사람들의 이야기는 많은 사람들에게 희망과 영감을 줍니다.. 여성알바, 고소득알바, 업소알바, 밤알바 직업소개소등 구인구직정보를 제공.. 유흥알바룸알바밤알바마사지알바 정보를 한 곳에서 제공합니다..

신뢰할 수 있는 밤알바 정보만을 제공하기 위해 버블알바는 항상 노력하고 있습니다, Com with your order number, 슈슈알바는 유흥알바 밤알바 노래방알바 룸알바 텐프로알바 업소알바 룸싸롱 야간알바 여성알바 여우알바 바알바 구인구직사이트 전국 1위 사이트, Search results if you have any specific requests for a preorder benefit or exclusive gift excluding weverse gift randomly given or certain version of the poster order with unfolded or folded poster option, please leave a comment on the special instructions for seller section and email us at customerservice. 지역별 업종별 테마별 정보를 제공합니다, 여우알바 유흥알바 밤알바 룸알바 사이트.

히토미 노숙자 태그 유흥알바, 룸알바, 밤알바 등 여성 고수익 알바 구인구직 플랫폼 꽃길알바. 지역별 업종별 테마별 정보를 제공합니다. 언니잡은 유흥알바 사이트, 퀸알바, 룸알바, 밤알바, 여우알바, 캣알바, 마사지알바 등 유흥업소 구인. 유흥알바 사이트 유흥알바 여성알바 강남유흥알바 업소알바 밤알바 여성알바 퀸알바 밤알바 룸알바 밤일알바 여우알바 악녀알바 캣알바 레이디알바 나나알바 밤이슬. 언니잡에 입점되어 있는 전국 유흥알바 구인정보 리스트입니다. 히스토리아 야짤

히토미 네코 전국 실시간 채용정보와 당일지급, 안전하게 검증된 업체만 안내합니다. 언니잡은 유흥알바 사이트, 퀸알바, 룸알바, 밤알바, 여우알바, 캣알바, 마사지알바 등 유흥업소 구인. 유흥알바 사이트, 룸알바, 밤알바 등 유흥업소 구인구직, 룸싸롱, 노래방도우미, 텐프로 등 고소득 여성 아르바이트 정보를 제공합니다. 유흥업소 구인구직, 룸싸롱, 노래방도우미, 밤알바, 텐프로, 룸알바 등 고소득 여성알바 다양한 유흥업소 구인구직 정보를 제공합니다. 슈슈알바는 유흥알바 밤알바 노래방알바 룸알바 텐프로알바 업소알바 룸싸롱 야간알바 여성알바 여우알바 바알바 구인구직사이트 전국 1위 사이트. 히토미 ㄹㄹ 추천

히토미 몰래 전국밤알바 – 밤알바여우알바유흥알바 구인구직앱. 여성알바, 방송 고수익 알바, 텐프로텐카페쩜오, 하이퍼블릭가라오케 등 유흥업소 구인구직까지 오빠야알바에서 모두 확인하세요. Kr밤의알바 유흥알바 밤알바 룸알바 채용정보. 언니잡은 유흥알바 사이트, 퀸알바, 룸알바, 밤알바, 여우알바, 캣알바, 마사지알바 등 유흥업소 구인. 전국밤알바 – 밤알바여우알바유흥알바 구인구직앱. 히토미 vpn 없이 보면

황하나 영상 디시 전국밤알바 – 밤알바여우알바유흥알바 구인구직앱. 꽃길알바 유흥알바 룸알바 밤알바 고수익 여성알바. 업무 숙련도, 시간대 배정, 손님 관리 능력, 조건 협의력, 선택 기준까지 모든 요소가 수입 구조에 직접적인 영향을 미치기 때문이다. 꿀알바에서 유흥알바 기간별 채용정보, 인재정보 제공 강남 top 유흥알바 부산 전국 대한민국 2025년 1위 꿀알바 밤알바 모든 구인구직 아르바이트 다양한 고소득 여성일자리 를 소개 해드리고 있습니다. 서울시 서대문구 충정로 29, 12층 충정로3가, 동아일보 충정로사옥 주미디어윌 벼룩시장사업본부 전국벼룩시장 사업자등록번호 21 통신판매업 신고번호 제2020서울서대문0768호 대표이사 장영보 직업정보제공사업 서울서부 제 202005호 정보보호책임자 최덕환 청소년보호.

히로세 히나 온천 1유흥알바 구인구직 사이트 여성알바는 밤알바 여성알바 룸알바 여우알바 여성고소득 일자리 정보를 제공하는 여성전용 구인구직 사이트입니다. 언니잡에 입점되어 있는 전국 유흥알바 구인정보 리스트입니다. 레이디알바 밤알바 1위 여성전용 고소득 알바. 노래방알바, 밤알바, 노래방도우미, 유흥알바, 마사지알바, 노래방보도구인, 룸알바. Explore classic cars, inspiring owners, and curated merchandise for the passionate enthusiast.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.