Hours ago — 포토 김지한, 강타 30일 장충체육관에서 열린 v리그 우리카드와 삼성화재의 경기.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이후 금수저처럼 되기 싫다고 채이 일행에게 말하고. 6일 충남 천안 유관순체육관에서 열린 2025 대한민국과 네덜란드 남자배구 국가대표 평가전에서 한국 김지한이 강스파이크를 때리고 있다. 솔직함이 묻어나는 ‘양자택일 토크’를 통해 색다른 재미를 선사한 것. 20222023 프로배구 v리그 한국전력과 우리카드의 경기가 30일 수원체육관에서 열렸다.

기획부문 중앙일보 박 린김지한김 원 기자 평창올림픽 현지 실태 시리즈 공동 jtbc 전영희 기자 만취난동 한화 김동선 솜방망이 처벌 논란 2017년 3분기 보도부문 스포츠서울 김현기 기자 이승우, 이탈리아 1부리그 베로나행 확정.. 아웃사이드 히터 김지한과 리베로 오재성이 우리카드로 가고, 세터 하승우와 리베로 장지원이 한국전력으로 향하는 트레이드였다.. 6일 충남 천안 유관순체육관에서 열린 2025 대한민국과 네덜란드 남자배구 국가대표 평가전에서 한국 김지한의 강스파이크가 네덜란드 블로킹 벽에.. 인덕대학교 방송연예과 후배로, 보물섬의 카메라맨이었다..

중앙일보 박린, 김지한, 김원 기자 체육기자상 기획부문 수상.

Com › Sports › Sports_photo포토 김지한 결국 교체 조선일보.

김지한 우리카드, 임성진 한국전력, 임동혁 대한항공은 20232024시즌 들어 차세대 꼬리표를 떼고 각 팀에서 명실상부 에이스로 자리 잡았다.

사진김지한, 내 실수야 스포츠 네이트. Likes, 0 comments w88infokr on janu 이벤트 스포츠 매일 재충전 보너스 10% kovo 경기일정 2023년 1월 10일 화요일 남자배구 1900 우리카드 vs 한국전력 w88 w88코리아 배구 도드람 프로배구 박준혁 박지수 나경복 김지한 판정논란. Com › newsview › 1oh13m9lkz황금주머니 김지한 진짜 한석훈이었다면.

한국체육기자연맹회장 정희돈은 2017년 2분기 체육기자상 수상작으로 기획부문에 중앙일보 박린, 김지한, 김원 기자가 공동으로 취재한 평창올림픽. 김지한이 해냈다연봉 크게 오른 선수는 누구 동아일보. 사진한국배구연맹 제공 자신에게 부끄럽지 않은 그 기준이 꽤 높았다, 이후 개인 사비로 구매한 모든 사람들에게 환불을 진행하며 대처했다, Com › newsview › 1oh13m9lkz황금주머니 김지한 진짜 한석훈이었다면.

김지한 Sns 우승 이끌면 Mvp 후보 우리카드는 설 연휴까지 올시즌 19승 9패승점 55를 기록하며 남자부 1위를 지켰다.

Com › sports › sports_photo포토 김지한 결국 교체 조선일보, 이젠 어엿한 v리그를 대표하는 공격수로 자리매김했음에도 김지한26우리카드 우리won은 만족을 몰랐다. 시즌 초반에는 잘했는데 5, 6라운드에 처졌다, 황금주머니 김지한 진짜 한석훈이었다면, Com › newsview › 1oh13m9lkz황금주머니 김지한 진짜 한석훈이었다면, 홈팀 우리카드는 11승 12패로 4위, 원정팀 ok저축은행은 4승 19패.

우리카드는 12일 서울 장충체육관에서 열린 도드람.. 한국체육기자연맹회장 정희돈은 2017년 2분기 체육기자상 수상작으로 기획부문에 중앙일보 박린, 김지한, 김원 기자가 공동으로 취재한 평창올림픽.. 트레이드, 새로운 기회이지 않을까요..

Hours ago — 포토 김지한, 강타 30일 장충체육관에서 열린 v리그 우리카드와 삼성화재의 경기. 사진김지한, 내 실수야 스포츠 네이트. 1,872 followers, 1,084 following, 5 posts 김지한 @j1hahahan on instagram @dmzblock 📩 문의는 카톡 rlawlgks09 ⚠️ 1st mixtape 현대병 듣기 ⬇️⬇️, 또한 1998년부터 2008년까지 국가대표 주전 세터로 활약했고 2008년 avc컵 대회를 마지막으로 태극마크를 반납했다. 2020년 2월 18일 김성완의 시사야 kbs 1 radio fm 97. 시즌 초반에는 잘했는데 5, 6라운드에 처졌다.

골반 뒤치기 야동 트레이드, 새로운 기회이지 않을까요. 김지한 기복 바라보는 파에스 감독의 시선 부담감 있는 듯. 스포츠서울 장충정다워 기자 우리카드 마우리시오 파에스 감독이 김지한을 향한 기대감을 숨기지 않았다. Com › replay › 2023피지컬 100 김지한 내가 왜 한다고 했지‥. 이에 따르면 김지한은 연봉 1억3000만 원, 옵션 7200만 원을 합쳐. 교복 대딸

곽혈수 인스티즈 중앙일보 박린, 김지한, 김원 기자 체육기자상 기획부문 수상. Sub news 5월 3주차 관악의 자치언론, 5월 3주차 sub 뉴스입니다. 너무 잘하고 싶은 마음에 힘으로만 배구를 했던 것 같다. 장충 아이돌로 유명한 우리카드 김지한 선수를 이명노 기자가 만났습니다. 설 연휴 마지막 날인 30일 서울 중구 장충체육관에서 열린 20242025 v리그 남자부 서울 우리카드 우리won과 안산 ok저축은행 읏맨의 경기, 우리카드. 구라모토 스미레

고양이 사이트 야동 중앙일보 박린, 김지한, 김원 기자 체육기자상 기획부문 수상. 우리카드 김지한이 손가락 부상으로 교체되고 있다. 소율, ♥문희준과 불화 입 열었다 집안일은 여자만, 인내심 필요해 ‘유흥업소 논란’ 빅뱅 대성 빌딩, 잭팟 터졌다7년 만 654억 시세차익. 10일 서울 장충체육관에서 열린 우리카드와 맞붙은 경기의 하이라이트는 단연 임성진과 동갑내기 친구 김지한 24우리카드의 팽팽한 자존심 대결이었다. 우리카드 1999년생 동갑내기 절친한 사이 김지한 오른쪽과 임성진의 셀피. 귀족 히토미

권가현 노예녀 20222023 프로배구 v리그 한국전력과 우리카드의 경기가 30일 수원체육관에서 열렸다. 우리카드 김지한이 손가락 부상으로 교체되고 있다. 아웃사이드 히터 김지한과 리베로 오재성이 우리카드로 가고, 세터 하승우와 리베로 장지원이 한국전력으로 향하는 트레이드였다. 이후 개인 사비로 구매한 모든 사람들에게 환불을 진행하며 대처했다. 지난달 31일에는 우리카드와 한국전력의 22 트레이드 소식이 전해졌다.

관장썰 나중에 프리식품 비리와 딸 갑질, 왕따논란이 터지자 거지가 되었다. 학교폭력 논란 편집 12살 연상의 띠동갑 연인인 이원일 셰프와 2020년에 결혼한다는 소식이 알려졌다. 우리카드 김지한이 한국전력 타이스의 공격을 막아내고 있다. 봄축제 일해라절해라 성황리에 마무리 제 1회 서울대학교 예술주간 진행돼 중간고사 집단 부정행위 논란 취재 김준영, 노승재, 정채운, 임정윤. 우리카드는 10승 14패승점29로 리그 6위, 삼성화재는 5승 19패승점 15로 리그 최하위를 기록 중이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.