Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Is it an internet slang or something. 보통 따봉xx에서 xx대신 특정 인물이나 캐릭터 등의 이름이 들어갑니다. 따봉할배 님의 인기 동영상, 을 를 시청하세요. 대상은 이제 막 오버를 시작한 뉴비들과 옵션작을 손대려는 니청년들이 되겠음.

Korean Slut Fake

을 언급하는 장면을 송출하였고 1, 여기에서 브라질 농부들이 오두방정을, Thank you in advance. And we call like button 따봉 in social media.

Kuzu 30

그저 희미하게나마 기억하는 건, 강 속으로 깊이깊이 빠지던 몸을 건져주던 단단한 손길 하나. Org › wiki › 따봉따봉 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, 피란길에 부모를 모두 잃고 간신히 목숨만 건져 서씨 가문의 여종이 되었다, 끝나고 나서 다른 플레이어를 칭찬할 수 있다.

따봉 came from portuguese tá bom which means good.. ︎ 내 용 포르투갈어처럼 들리고 실제로도 그렇다.. 「めっちゃ良い」は韓国語で「따봉」という。ポルトガル語のtá bom（タボン）から来た単語で、本来の意味はok,大丈夫の意味。 親指を立てて表現する場合もある。엄지샷（オムジシャッ）ともいう。..

그저 희미하게나마 기억하는 건, 강 속으로 깊이깊이 빠지던 몸을 건져주던 단단한 손길 하나, 보통 따봉xx에서 xx대신 특정 인물이나 캐릭터 등의 이름이 들어갑니다. 대상은 이제 막 오버를 시작한 뉴비들과 옵션작을 손대려는 니청년들이 되겠음. 이 메세지는 같은 인터넷 공급업체를 사용하는 다른 누군가로 인해 발생했을 가능성이 높습니다.

피란길에 부모를 모두 잃고 간신히 목숨만 건져 서씨 가문의 여종이 되었다. 따봉할배 님의 인기 동영상, 을 를 시청하세요. 대상은 이제 막 오버를 시작한 뉴비들과 옵션작을 손대려는 니청년들이 되겠음. 1989년 당시 미국의 델몬트 푸즈 는 자사의 오렌지 주스 상품을 독점 계약을 체결한 국내 업체인 롯데칠성음료 의 tv 광고로 선전하면서 브라질 에서도 정말 좋은 오렌지를 찾았을 때 델몬트는 이렇게 말합니다, Itss means 👍@shinc7632 to put it simply, 진골 따붕충 is an attention seeker@shinc7632 attentionseeker posted a video of him crawling down the driveway to get a lot of likes.

행동 따봉 엄지척 굿 최고 특수문자가 펑펑. 라디유 의 방송 기록을 적어두는 문서, 더불어 ai 컴패니언인 라디안 의 방송 기록을 포함한다. 흔히 상대방을 굉장히 칭찬하거나 승리의 포즈를 취할 때 엄지를 위로 세우는 제스처를 취합니다.

Thank you in advance. 원래 있던 글은 아래의 링크에서 읽으실 수 있습니다. 따봉xx야 고마워 뜻 단순히 고맙다는 표현을 할 때 사용하는 말입니다. Iotabom 2025년 3월 17일에 발표된 포스타입 수수료 정책 변경 안내에 따르면 5월 1일부터 포스트가 검색 결과에 노출됨으로써 발생한 수익에 추가 수수료 17%를 부과한다고 합니다. 따봉할배 님의 인기 동영상, 을 를 시청하세요.

Kuzu_v0 156

흔히 상대방을 굉장히 칭찬하거나 승리의 포즈를 취할 때 엄지를 위로 세우는 제스처를 취합니다.. And we call like button 따봉 in social media..

Blog › tabom‘따봉’, 엄지척이 중국 전통에도 있었을까, 전세계적으로 동일한 의미로 쓰이는 제스처인데시작이 어떤 나라일까요, 따봉xx야 고마워 유래 인터넷 커뮤니티의 낚시글 따봉도치로부터, 일상생활 속에서 정말 많이 쓰이는데도 불구하고 따봉 뜻이 무엇인지 은근히 모르시는 분들이 주위에 계셔서 한번 글을 써보았습니다.

kuzu 68 그저 희미하게나마 기억하는 건, 강 속으로 깊이깊이 빠지던 몸을 건져주던 단단한 손길 하나. 대중매체에서의 따봉 영화, 드라마, 예능 등에서 긍정적인 반응을 보이는 캐릭터를 표현하는 데 자주 사용됩니다. 2,861 followers, 5 following, 631 posts 따봉짤👍 @ddabong_zzal on instagram 매일 따봉이 절로나는 짤 모음👍👍 팔로우 해서 매일 재밌는 영상 보고 가세요 👍👍. 을 언급하는 장면을 송출하였고 1, 여기에서 브라질 농부들이 오두방정을. 래퍼 슈가도 2016년 ‘스타쇼 360’ 프로그램에서 오렌지 주스 광고 덕분에 이 표현을 알게 되었다고 언급했다. korean couple sextape

kuzu 코네 2,861 followers, 5 following, 631 posts 따봉짤👍 @ddabong_zzal on instagram 매일 따봉이 절로나는 짤 모음👍👍 팔로우 해서 매일 재밌는 영상 보고 가세요 👍👍. 1989년 당시 미국의 델몬트 푸즈 는 자사의 오렌지 주스 상품을 독점 계약을 체결한 국내 업체인 롯데칠성음료 의 tv 광고로 선전하면서 브라질 에서도 정말 좋은 오렌지를 찾았을 때 델몬트는 이렇게 말합니다. 이 단어는 포르투갈어인 tá bom따 봉에서 유래되었으며, 원래 의미는 좋다, 괜찮다 정도의 가벼운 긍정 표현이다. 행동 따봉 엄지척 굿 최고 특수문자가 펑펑. 보통 따봉xx에서 xx대신 특정 인물이나 캐릭터 등의 이름이 들어갑니다. korean bbc sotwe

kuzu v0 190 따봉은 원래 브라질 포르투갈어에서 유래된 표현으로, 포르투갈어 단어 tá bom 또는 tá bom. 대중매체에서의 따봉 영화, 드라마, 예능 등에서 긍정적인 반응을 보이는 캐릭터를 표현하는 데 자주 사용됩니다. 보통 따봉xx에서 xx대신 특정 인물이나 캐릭터 등의 이름이 들어갑니다. 래퍼 슈가도 2016년 ‘스타쇼 360’ 프로그램에서 오렌지 주스 광고 덕분에 이 표현을 알게 되었다고 언급했다. 전세계적으로 동일한 의미로 쓰이는 제스처인데시작이 어떤 나라일까요. kt 와이파이 디시 안됨

kttyghoul 따봉, 엄지척은 단순한 제스처를 넘어 시대와 문화를 반영하는 흥미로운 언어 입니다. 전세계적으로 동일한 의미로 쓰이는 제스처인데시작이 어떤 나라일까요. 피란길에 부모를 모두 잃고 간신히 목숨만 건져 서씨 가문의 여종이 되었다. 현재는 각 에피소드에 대한 전반적인 내용과 평가 등이 추가되어 등장인물만 보러 오는 문서가 아니게 되었다. 끝나고 나서 다른 플레이어를 칭찬할 수 있다.

kr eporner 따봉xx야 고마워 뜻 단순히 고맙다는 표현을 할 때 사용하는 말입니다. Org › wiki › 따봉따봉 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. Com › 498따봉xx야 고마워 뜻과 유래 feat. 이 글은 장비 오버로드와 옵션작을 어떻게 효율적으로 할수있을지 알아보는 공략글임. 전세계적으로 동일한 의미로 쓰이는 제스처인데시작이 어떤 나라일까요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.