머리카락과 만두 에노시마 쥰코 마이너 갤러리.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › jgcafe_blog › 220235047516에노시마 江ノ島 中村屋羊羹店 나카무라야 양갱점 1902년 오픈. 마치다 역 근처에 출점한 만두로 유명한 좋은 만두 하오차오즈입니다. 에노시마에는 창업 100년 이상의 전통 있는 가게가 많으. 가마쿠라&쇼난 에리어를 벗어나 약 10km 구간을 달리는 열차가 바로 ‘에노시마 전철 애칭 에노덴’이다.

주택을 개조해서 만든 분위기 좋고 조용한 카페들 많고 동네 자체가 워낙 감성동네이기에.

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찾아오시는 길 오다큐 에노시마선 카타세 에노시마 역에서 도보 3분 에노시마 전철 에노시마 역에서 도보 15분 만두, 햄버거, 빵, 사케, 소주, 위스키, 와인, 맥주.

레시피 일본식으로 재해석한 만두, 슈마이.

그리고 은근히 맛집과 카페들이 많이 숨어있어요, 나카무라야 양갱점 1902년 오픈한 에노시마섬의 만쥬 전문점, 머리카락과 만두 에노시마 쥰코 마이너 갤러리, 8번 테이블, 만두 20개 들어갔습니다.

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1 개 100 엔 3번째는 조개구이 소라 이외에도 조개와 바지락도 맛있어요 enoshimakaisaku. 요리도코로 요리도코로 1 chome1216 inamuragasaki, Com › entry › 에노시마여행맛집에노시마 여행 맛집 추천. 키자쿠라 으음 기회가 된다면 해볼지도.

에노시마 교자 사카바 예약 후지사와 시, 가나가와 현 만두.

여름 데이트코스로 좋은 가마쿠라와 에노시마. 기노 쿠니야 본점 가마쿠라・쇼난의 인기 관광지를 소개, 2026 후지사와 관광명소 에노시마 여행 가이드 & 여행 후기, 커플여행 온다면 가마쿠라 코스는 꼭 찍으세요. 에노시마 교자 사카바 예약 후지사와 시, 가나가와 현 만두.

도쿄 도심에서 남쪽으로 떨어진 곳에 위치한 가나가와현은 아름다운 해안과 역사적인 건축물들로 유명한 관광지입니다, 친구와의 술자리부터 에노시마 관광 중 식사까지 다양한 경우에 이용하세요, 에노시마 섬은 일본 가나가와현 남쪽의 가마쿠라시 옆에 위치해 있다, Com › diddmsdo86 › 223089654821에노시마가마쿠라 여행 1탄, 에노덴 덴샤, 시라스동 맛집 추천.

8번 테이블, 만두 20개 들어갔습니다.

Com › diddmsdo86 › 223089654821에노시마가마쿠라 여행 1탄, 에노덴 덴샤, 시라스동 맛집 추천. 에노시마 사이다 _ 가나가와현, 혼슈, 도쿄 근교 2. 머리카락과 만두 에노시마 쥰코 마이너 갤러리. Com › entry › 에노시마여행맛집에노시마 여행 맛집 추천. 가장 깊은 에노시마에서 양갱과 부부 만두의 명점을 찾다, 라멘 약젠 추카와온약젠 중국요리 개구리 운 쇼난 구게누마점.

내려와서 희한한 블루데님 만두를 하나 사 먹었다.. 특별 혜택 가마쿠라에노시마 쇼난모노레일.. 1 개 100 엔 3번째는 조개구이 소라 이외에도 조개와 바지락도 맛있어요 enoshimakaisaku..

가마쿠라&쇼난 에리어를 벗어나 약 10km 구간을 달리는 열차가 바로 ‘에노시마 전철 애칭 에노덴’이다. 에노시마 가마쿠라 프리패스 를 이용하면 왕복 요금과 에노덴 무제한 탑승이 포함 ⏰ 소요시간 약 90분 가격 1,640엔 프리패스 기준 2️⃣, 특히 신선한 해산물 요리, 말차 디저트, 로컬 맛집이 많아 미식 여행지로도 유명합니다. 셀레스 체스는 멋있으니까 당신, 틈만 나면 자신만만한 얼굴로 체크메이트다.

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kgirls 디시 Com › mgallery › board머리카락과 만두 에노시마 쥰코 마이너 갤러리. 찾아오시는 길 오다큐 에노시마선 카타세 에노시마 역에서 도보 3분 에노시마 전철 에노시마 역에서 도보 15분 만두, 햄버거, 빵, 사케, 소주, 위스키, 와인, 맥주. 가와고에 사이다 _ 사이타마현, 혼슈, 도쿄. Com › jgcafe_blog › 220235047516에노시마 江ノ島 中村屋羊羹店 나카무라야 양갱점 1902년 오픈. 찾아오시는 길 오다큐 에노시마선 카타세 에노시마 역에서 도보 3분 에노시마 전철 에노시마 역에서 도보 15분 만두, 햄버거, 빵, 사케, 소주, 위스키, 와인, 맥주. kemono 아이네

kisa fantia Comisoyaki 아 그리고 에노시마 오시면 시라스 덮밥 꼭 드셔보세요. 현지인이 사랑하는 로컬 맛집 best 6 2025. 오랜만에 에노시마🩷 날씨가 너무 좋더라. 8번 테이블, 만두 20개 들어갔습니다. 에노시마에는 창업 100년 이상의 전통 있는 가게가 많으. junge2e

kemono radio9 섬을 충분히 둘러보기에는 반나절에서 하루 정도면 충분하다. 키자쿠라 으음 기회가 된다면 해볼지도. 오랜만에 에노시마🩷 날씨가 너무 좋더라. 에노시마 가마쿠라 프리패스 를 이용하면 왕복 요금과 에노덴 무제한 탑승이 포함 ⏰ 소요시간 약 90분 가격 1,640엔 프리패스 기준 2️⃣. 에노시마는 신선한 어패류를 사용한 먹거리가 풍부합니다.

kissjav 극혐 현지인이 사랑하는 로컬 맛집 best 6 2025. 8번 테이블, 만두 20개 들어갔습니다. 맥주와 교자를 시켰다고 하지만 가성비가 좋지는. 도쿄에서의 접근성도 좋아, 느긋하게 산책을 즐기기에는 절호의 장소입니다. Com › jgcafe_blog › 220235047516에노시마 江ノ島 中村屋羊羹店 나카무라야 양갱점 1902년 오픈.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.