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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

충성심과 용맹성은 타 가문보다 월등히 우수하며, 그 응집력은 대단할 것입니다. 조씨 간부랑 같이 꿀부대 파견을 갔다면, 군생활 중에서 제일 꿀이 아니라 hell이 된다. 성격도 가지각색 자기주장뚜렷한 조씨여자들. 조홍 하후돈, 하후연 하후돈, 하후연과 실제 관계가 어떤지는 불명이다.

조원 趙瑗은 고려 말에서 조선 초 인물로, 양주에 세거하며 학자관료 집안으로 발전하였다.

조씨 가문의 3대에 걸친 사건을 다루고 있는 가문소설 家門小說 로 대하소설 에 속한다.

주인공 조성과 조무는 서로 대립적인 성격을 지닌 조씨 가문의 중심축으로서 모든 가문의 일에 조화와 균형의 역할을 하고 있고, 그 밑의 세대들도 선과 악의 인물들이 조 Read More.

Com › kshky › 221769829560 조 趙씨와 한양조씨 네이버 블. 산의 정기는 사람에게 전해지므로 창녕조씨는 대체로 성격이 강직할 것이다. 그렇기 때문에 이들에게는 다른 성씨와는 달리 동성同姓이라고 해서, 조홍 하후돈, 하후연 하후돈, 하후연과 실제 관계가 어떤지는 불명이다.

Net › Wiki › 조_성씨조 성씨 리브레 위키.

재석을 향한 묘한 관상평 잘생긴 얼굴이 꼭 관상학적으로 좋은 건 아니라는 설명에 왜인지 계속 유재석이 기준이 되는 상황 조곤조곤하지만 설득력. 우리나라는 왜 이렇게 해외여행을 좋아할까. 삼한시대 왕족이나 귀족들의 성씨의 경우 그 유래가 전해지고 있다. 창녕의 진산 화왕산 정상에는 삼국시대에 축성된 화왕산성이 있다. 조씨 趙 曺씨의 기원과 본관, 주요인물은.

함안 조씨는 조나라 조 趙자를 쓰고 창녕 조씨는 성 조 曺자를 쓴다.. 겉으로는 자기는 세상 공평하고 정치는 중도를 지지하고 개념있는 척 하는데.. 평양조씨 平壤趙氏 의 시조는 조선시대 조휘 趙徽인데 고려 말 무신으로, 몽골 침입기에 공을 세워 평양을 본관으로 삼았다.. 풍양 조씨豊壤 趙氏 시조 조맹趙孟은 고려 개국공신이다..

조씨 趙 曺씨의 기원과 본관, 주요인물은.

중국남자들이 진짜 잘생긴듯 지금 반팔입구 소개팅에서 스킨십 좋아한다는말 하면 전문직, 고려의 충신인 창녕조씨가문은 조선이 들어서자 영천으로 낙향한다. 겉으로는 자기는 세상 공평하고 정치는 중도를 지지하고 개념있는 척 하는데.

히토미 별이삼샵 신라 아간시중 阿干侍中 조흠 曺欽의 아들인 조겸은 태악서승 太樂署丞이라는 벼슬을 지냈다고 한다. 창녕의 진산 화왕산 정상에는 삼국시대에 축성된 화왕산성이 있다. 삼황오제와 하은주 시대에 만들어진 성씨의 유민들은 그 역사가 유수하다. 김씨 김씨들은 일단 무조건 자기 유리한대로만 행동한다. Days ago 조선 의 제16대 국왕. 히토미 보안연결

히토미 타치바나 이 단어들은 한국 역사 속에서 긴 울림을 가진 조선시대 ‘조’씨 가문을 떠올리게 합니다. 우리나라 성씨 지금 조씨에 대해 인터넷 족보, 본관 종류, 순위, 가계도그리기, 가족역사에 대한 이야기를 찾아보세요. Com › kshky › 221767891232 조 趙씨와 조 曺씨, 그리고 창. 한국어의 아름다움을 글씨로 표현해보세요. 근데 풍양조씨가 엄청 대대로 뼈대 있는 가문이라는 소리를 자주 하는데, 술먹으면서 한번 그런 이야기가 나와서 그냥. 히토미 보안 디시

히토미 절단 Com › postview대한민국 성씨 7. 김씨 김씨들은 일단 무조건 자기 유리한대로만 행동한다. 이번 포스팅에서는 한양 조씨의 역사적 기원부터 현대 사회에서의 위상까지, 깊이 있게 살펴보고자 합니다. 한국어의 아름다움을 글씨로 표현해보세요. Net › wiki › 조_성씨조 성씨 리브레 위키. 히토미 추천 유튜브

히토미 파이즈리 고려의 충신인 창녕조씨가문은 조선이 들어서자 영천으로 낙향한다. Com › hyouncho › 223856904760한국인의 뿌리, 조씨 趙氏 조상은 누구인가. 조씨, 가문, 역사, 인물, 조선, 족보, 혈통. 오늘은 우리나라 성씨중 조씨에 대해 그 기원과, 본관, 유래, 주요인물등에 대해 한번 알아보았는데요. 그리고 공민왕 때 찬성사에 오른 조익청.

히토미 팝업차단 조씨성을 가진 자들의 남 모를 비밀과 특징들 허경영. 나무위키에 조씨에 대해 잘 정리되잇내요 요약 趙 나라조씨의 빌런은 대표적으로 우주여신 조민아, 미국 총기난사 사건의 조승희, 조영남, 텔레그램 성착취물 조주. 조씨 趙 曺씨의 기원과 본관, 주요인물은. 충성심과 용맹성은 타 가문보다 월등히 우수하며, 그 응집력은 대단할 것입니다. 그러나 조 趙씨와 달리, 조 曺씨는 창녕을 본관으로 하는 성씨가 대부분이며, 그 외의 본관들도 창녕조씨에서 분관된 성씨로 파악되고 있죠.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.