Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

白髪は地毛！ 加賀まりこが、ほぼノーメークで挑んだ54年ぶり主演作語る movie collection ムビコレ自身も自閉症の義理. Com › kagamarikomukaicolor加賀まりこ昔カラー写真や映像で楽しむ若い頃の姿と代表資料まとめ. 若い頃は小悪魔的な魅力でスクリーンを席巻し、今も女優として第一線で活躍しています。 そんな加賀まりこさんが「若い頃のメイクがかわいい！ 」と噂になっているのは知っていますか？. 「そのスキンケア、本当に合ってる？」約6割が製品を見直すも8割が満足できない年齢肌のリアルを調査 美st onlineは、最新エイジング対応.

마달레나 아라강

加賀：地毛の白髪です、全く。 監督：そのまんまで、という感じで。 ──あまりきれいに作ろうとはお考えにならないで。 加賀：全然考えなかったです。.. 加賀まりこさんも 出演中 1943年生まれ 81歳 ですが ドラマでは 90歳の役を演じています 白髪の短い髪 一瞬 加賀まりこ さんって わからなかった 薬膳がテーマなので 食べるシーンが多い 桜井ユキ さん 食べてるお顔もお綺麗 左右差なく両噛み 左だけ 右だけ.. 加賀まりこのデビューのきっかけや時期は？ 加賀まりこさんのデビューの時期やきっかけは、明星学園高等学校に通っていた高校2年生の夏休みに『とっても困っているんだけど』と 寺山修司さんと篠田正浩監督お2人からのスカウトがきっかけです。..

마이멜로디 컴퓨터 배경화면 고화질

唯一無二の輝きを放つ大女優、加賀まりこ。17歳でデビューし「和製ブリジット・バルドー」と称され一世を風靡。80代となった今も、映画、ドラマで幅広く活躍。その美貌とエネルギッシュさの秘訣は、ピラティスや日常のときめき。波乱万丈な人生を乗り越え、59歳からの最後の恋も.. 加賀：地毛の白髪です、全く。 監督：そのまんまで、という感じで。 ──あまりきれいに作ろうとはお考えにならないで。 加賀：全然考えなかったです。.. 実年齢81歳の加賀だが、劇中の設定は73歳。 シルバーヘアのショート、真っ赤な口紅を塗って華やかな雰囲気を演出した。 若々しいビジュアルにネットは「小悪魔加賀さん綺麗」「加賀さんお久しぶりに拝見しました。.. Jp › gossip › 20250402加賀まりこが90歳老婆役 ネットびっくり「加賀まりこと気づかなかった..

맨들맨들 意味

Jp › interview › 111165『梅切らぬバカ』和島香太郎監督×加賀まりこインタビュー, 加賀まりこのデビューのきっかけや時期は？ 加賀まりこさんのデビューの時期やきっかけは、明星学園高等学校に通っていた高校2年生の夏休みに『とっても困っているんだけど』と 寺山修司さんと篠田正浩監督お2人からのスカウトがきっかけです。. Com › kagamarikonow加賀まりこ2025年現在の画像の美貌が衝撃！顔画像を時系列まとめ 推, Com › kagamariko加賀まりこの若い頃が可愛いすぎる！昔の写真や髪型をまとめてみた！.

Days ago 「和製ブリジット・バルドー」と称され、圧倒的な美貌と歯に衣着せぬ発言で、今なお唯一無二の存在感を放ち続ける女優・加賀まりこさん。 2026年に82歳を迎える現在も、その凛とした美しさと芯の強さは変わることなく、多くの人を魅了し続けています。. 11月12日公開の映画「梅切らぬバカ」で54年ぶりの主演を務めた加賀まりこさん。 映画公開とあって、テレビの露出が増えています。 テレビ画面に映る加賀まりこさんをみてつくづく思ったのは、「お歳のわりに、髪の毛ふっさふさ～」と言, 加賀まりこお隣の大家さん役キャスト欄見ないとわからなかった白髪のウィッグ？地毛？印象が全然違う！ お節介気味だけど優しいおばさま▶︎宮沢氷魚. 何事も」加賀まりこさんインタビュー 毎日が発見ネット.

마츠모토 모헤아

実年齢81歳の加賀だが、劇中の設定は73歳。 シルバーヘアのショート、真っ赤な口紅を塗って華やかな雰囲気を演出した。 若々しいビジュアルにネットは「小悪魔加賀さん綺麗」「加賀さんお久しぶりに拝見しました。. 女優加賀まりこ（80）が20日、nhk「あさイチ」に出演。未婚で出産した過去を振り返った。 この日同番組は「教えて先輩たち！」と題して、加賀, Org › wiki › 加賀まりこ加賀まりこ wikipedia, 波乱万丈な女優人生を送る加賀まりこさんが、59歳から育んできた最後の恋をせきららに語ります。 「加賀まりこ77歳。 59歳から育む、おだやかな最後の恋。 」を、「週刊文春woman2021年秋号」より全文転載します。 （全2回の2回目／ 前編 を読む）. 加賀まりこお隣の大家さん役キャスト欄見ないとわからなかった白髪のウィッグ？地毛？印象が全然違う！ お節介気味だけど優しいおばさま▶︎宮沢氷魚. 白髪染めに疲れてしまった50代こそ「ハイライトヘア」が救世主になるかも。細かなハイライトによって白髪 「料理は全然作らない」82歳 加賀まりこ、7歳.

加賀まりこさんと言えば、大御所の女優さんで知らない人はいないですよね？ それと同時に若い頃が美人すぎるとたびたび話題にもなっています☆ 今日は、加賀まりこさんの若い頃や気になる情報などについてまとめてみました！ 加賀まりこさんのプロフィール 名前：加賀まりこ 年齢. Days ago 加賀まりこの眉毛の左右差が気になる方へ向けて、その違和感の正体が表情筋の癖なのかメイクなのかを徹底検証しました。加賀まりこの眉毛が持つ唯一無二の魅力を分析しつつ、若い頃の美しい画像から黄金比を紐解きます。この記事を読めば、左右非対称なパーツを個性として活かす秘訣が. 加賀まりこ、『しあわせは食べて寝て待て』で好演 チャーミングな ドラマ『しあわせは食べて寝て待て』第3話場面写真 （c）nhk. Net › topics › 594988581歳・加賀まりこ 最新姿に衝撃「すごすぎる」「全然分かんなかった」. 中尾彬 と共演した主演映画『月曜日のユカ』は、加賀まりこの代表作の一つである 14。 その後数々の映画やドラマに出演し、小悪魔的なルックスと高い演技力で人気女優となった。.

마키 마 콴시 보빔 만화

映画『梅切らぬバカ』で50歳になった自閉症の息子忠さんと暮らす母親を演じた加賀まりこさん。作品を通して、演じることへの向き合い方の変化をうかがいました。 過ぎたことには未練も執着もない ――写真撮影のポージングがすてきでした。お若い頃から意識が変わらないのでは？ 顔は, 小悪魔的な魅力というのも、すごく惹かれます。 これだけの美貌で、あの言動は、ギャップがあって魅力的ですね。 1943年生まれの加賀まりこさんは、 17歳で芸能界デビューを果たし、その小悪魔的なルックスと高い演技力で瞬く間に人気を博しました。, Days ago 加賀まりこの眉毛の左右差が気になる方へ向けて、その違和感の正体が表情筋の癖なのかメイクなのかを徹底検証しました。加賀まりこの眉毛が持つ唯一無二の魅力を分析しつつ、若い頃の美しい画像から黄金比を紐解きます。この記事を読めば、左右非対称なパーツを個性として活かす秘訣が. 加賀まりこのプロフィール・画像・動画・ニュース・特集・ランキング・tv出演情報・cm出演情報・歌詞情報。加賀まりこ（カガ マリコ） 俳優. 加賀まりこさんと言えば、大御所の女優さんで知らない人はいないですよね？ それと同時に若い頃が美人すぎるとたびたび話題にもなっています☆ 今日は、加賀まりこさんの若い頃や気になる情報などについてまとめてみました！ 加賀まりこさんのプロフィール 名前：加賀まりこ 年齢, 連れ合いの息子が自閉症なんです（加賀まりこ） 都会の片隅にある古い一軒家で一人息子と静かに暮らす珠子には心配事が.

加賀まりこさんは、2025年4月現在で80歳となりますが、相変わらずの美貌と話題に！ ここでは、加賀まりこささんのデビュー時から現在までの画像を比較しながら、衝撃の美しさを見ていきたいと思います。 加賀まりこの2025年現在の画像が美人すぎ. Jp › kagamarikowakaikoro画像加賀まりこの若い頃が可愛すぎ！昔から現在まとめ！吉川ひな. まさか私のstylist人生で加賀まりこさんという大女優の衣装を担当する日がくるなんて！ 誠心誠意衣装を選ばせていただきました。 着用のジャケットも, 11月12日公開の映画「梅切らぬバカ」で54年ぶりの主演を務めた加賀まりこさん。 映画公開とあって、テレビの露出が増えています。 テレビ画面に映る加賀まりこさんをみてつくづく思ったのは、「お歳のわりに、髪の毛ふっさふさ～」と言. 若い頃は小悪魔的な魅力でスクリーンを席巻し、今も女優として第一線で活躍しています。 そんな加賀まりこさんが「若い頃のメイクがかわいい！ 」と噂になっているのは知っていますか？. しあわせは食べて寝て待てのdtのネタバレレビュー・ 内容・結末.

마젠타 가슴 日本映画界きっての「小悪魔」として一世を風靡し、現在はその潔い生き方や成熟した美しさで多くの女性から支持を集める加賀まりこさん。 彼女の魅力は、伝説的な「若い頃の美貌」だけにとどまりません。. コトコトバ コトバボックス 加賀まりこさんがラジオで言ってて、ハッとした言葉 高度成長期の日本を出てパリで過ごしたとき20前半. 女優の加賀まりこさんは昔から現在まで長きに渡って、活躍を続けていますね。 そんな加賀さんは、若い頃から可愛すぎるとファンの間で言われていました。 この記事では、加賀さんに関して以下のことをまとめています。 学生時代の顔写真. 実年齢81歳の加賀だが、劇中の設定は73歳。 シルバーヘアのショート、真っ赤な口紅を塗って華やかな雰囲気を演出した。 若々しいビジュアルにネットは「小悪魔加賀さん綺麗」「加賀さんお久しぶりに拝見しました。. ―― 今人気の片付けアドバイザー・赤沢秋絵（加賀まりこ）を殺害しようとした疑いで、24歳下の夫・譲二（藤本隆宏）が逮捕された。 だが、譲二は犯行を全面否定！ 大. 마이린 여미새

마젠타 레전드 모음 Jp › article › 966641「すげぇな、おい&mldr. 現在の加賀まりこは芸能界セミリタイア？ いつまでも、上品かつアグレッシブなイメージの加賀まりこさん。 しかし、2020年3月に所属事務所を退所し、その後は個人事務所で活動されています。. 加賀まりこ、『しあわせは食べて寝て待て』で好演 チャーミングな ドラマ『しあわせは食べて寝て待て』第3話場面写真 （c）nhk. 加賀まりこのデビューのきっかけや時期は？ 加賀まりこさんのデビューの時期やきっかけは、明星学園高等学校に通っていた高校2年生の夏休みに『とっても困っているんだけど』と 寺山修司さんと篠田正浩監督お2人からのスカウトがきっかけです。. 加賀まりこさんと言えば、大御所の女優さんで知らない人はいないですよね？ それと同時に若い頃が美人すぎるとたびたび話題にもなっています☆ 今日は、加賀まりこさんの若い頃や気になる情報などについてまとめてみました！ 加賀まりこさんのプロフィール 名前：加賀まりこ 年齢. 마이팬스 카오리

마이리딩 링크 加賀まりこ、『しあわせは食べて寝て待て』で好演 チャーミングな ドラマ『しあわせは食べて寝て待て』第3話場面写真 （c）nhk. Org › wiki › 加賀まりこ加賀まりこ wikipedia. Ellejapon4月号にて 加賀まりこさんのスタイリングさせ. 実年齢81歳の加賀だが、劇中の設定は73歳。 シルバーヘアのショート、真っ赤な口紅を塗って華やかな雰囲気を演出した。 若々しいビジュアルにネットは「小悪魔加賀さん綺麗」「加賀さんお久しぶりに拝見しました。. 加賀まりこお隣の大家さん役キャスト欄見ないとわからなかった白髪のウィッグ？地毛？印象が全然違う！ お節介気味だけど優しいおばさま▶︎宮沢氷魚. 말킥 pd

메단톱 Jp › kagamarikowakai加賀まりこの若い頃のカラー画像10選！眉毛の位置はいつから変になっ. 鈴役の加賀さんが登場した時は、しばらく加賀さんだとは気づかないほど真っ白な髪で驚いた。 加賀さんって普段こんなに白髪だったっけ？ と思ったら、鈴は90歳という設定なので役作りだった模様。. 加賀まりこ かがまりこ 1943－ 昭和後期平成時代の 女優。 昭和18年12月11日生まれ。 六本木族からスカウトされ,昭和37年テレビドラマ「四十八歳の 抵抗」に 主演,映画「乾いた花」「月曜日 の ユカ」などで 小悪魔 の魅力を 発揮。. Net › topics › 594988581歳・加賀まりこ 最新姿に衝撃「すごすぎる」「全然分かんなかった」. Days ago 加賀まりこの眉毛の左右差が気になる方へ向けて、その違和感の正体が表情筋の癖なのかメイクなのかを徹底検証しました。加賀まりこの眉毛が持つ唯一無二の魅力を分析しつつ、若い頃の美しい画像から黄金比を紐解きます。この記事を読めば、左右非対称なパーツを個性として活かす秘訣が.

마운자로 췌장염 디시 まさか私のstylist人生で加賀まりこさんという大女優の衣装を担当する日がくるなんて！ 誠心誠意衣装を選ばせていただきました。 着用のジャケットも. 女優の加賀まりこが1日、nhk新ドラマ「しあわせは食べて寝て待て」に出演。90歳の老婆を演じ、ネットからも驚きの声が上がった。 「一生. 若い頃は絶世の美女として、年齢を重ねてからは歯に衣着せぬ芸能界の美人ご意見番として、昔も今も絶対的な存在感がある女優・加賀まりこさん。 テレビや映画、バラエティ番組など多方面で活躍していますが、 最近見ないけれど何をしているの？. 白髪は地毛！ 加賀まりこが、ほぼノーメークで挑んだ54年ぶり主演作語る movie collection ムビコレ自身も自閉症の義理. しあわせは食べて寝て待てのdtのネタバレレビュー・ 内容・結末.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.