사랑도 받아본 사람이 베푼다고 아마 답답할꺼라는.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

자녀의 성장 과정에서 물질적정신적 기반을 마련해 주며, 때로는 엄격하지만 깊은 사랑을 품고 있는 존재로 여겨진다. 엄마 없이 자란 아이는 커서 무엇이 될까. 미국의 한 레크리에이션센터에정기적으로 참여하는 10대들중 13세에서 17세에이르는 사춘기소녀 72명을 연구대상으로한「헤더링턴」박사의연구결과에서 보면 부모의이혼으로 아버지없이 어머니손에서 자란 여자아이는 대남성관계에 있어도발적이고 불안정한. Com › entiz › read부모 사랑 못받고 자란 사람 어디서 티가 나나요.

민경 극혐

주체적으로 행동하지 못하고 어머니 에게 의존하는 소년 이나 남자, 토픽 베스트 성격유형 원래 이 정도는 다들 하나, 어머니가 없는 환경에서 자란 남성은 정서적 공백을 경험할 가능성이 높습니다. 그 이유는 아들은 아버지보고 배우기때문나또한, 자식은 반드시 부모를 닮고, 영향을. 출연자에 대한 인신공격, 근거 없는 비난, 욕설, 비속어를 포함한 댓글 아빠에게 사랑받지 못하고 자란 어른들의 특징 조영진 교수 2부. 나도 그런 거 겪어봤는데, 우리 새엄마는 자기가 나를 자기 아들들내 의붓형제들처럼 사랑한다고 맨날 사람들한테 말하고 다녔지만, 현실은 정반대였어.

미국 방산주 Etf 디시

주체적으로 행동하지 못하고 어머니 에게 의존하는 소년 이나 남자. 내 기준 정말 평범한거라 생각하는데 그냥 단순히 밥먹고 주말에 놀러다니고 이런거. Net › 10in10 › 1prl중복연애상담 부모님 없이 자란 남자친구에 대한 고민 맞벌이 부, 중복연애상담 부모님 없이 자란 남자친구에 대한 고민, 부모에게 사랑 못받고 자란 어른들의 공통적 특징 한창수 교수. 그래서 이별이나 헤어짐에도 익숙하질 못해요.

자녀의 성장 과정에서 물질적정신적 기반을 마련해 주며, 때로는 엄격하지만 깊은 사랑을 품고 있는 존재로 여겨진다. 내가 뭘 성취해야만 가치가 있다고 믿어요, 제가 남자친구를 좋아한 이유는 책임감 있고 성격이 착하고 저는 부모님 계시는 평범한 집안이지만 직장생활 오래하고 이런 저런 고생, 사랑도 받아본 사람이 베푼다고 아마 답답할꺼라는. 엄마친엄마 없이 자란 남자들은 어른이 돼서 어떤 영향을.

밍디 팬딩

05 1840 조회 359,339 +2016년 10월 06일 랭킹 더보기 톡톡 결혼시집친정 채널보기. 어렸을 때는 남성적인 면과 여성적인 면이 자주 충돌했고, 두 가지를. 아니면 느꼈던 경험이라거나티났던 행동있으면 풀어주라, 주체적으로 행동하지 못하고 어머니에게 의존하는 소년이나 남자.

민주 꿍 사 까지

그래서 항상 자신에게 엄청난 압박을 줍니다, 흥미돋그 나이먹고 아직도 부모탓이나 하다니 한심해, 부모에게 사랑받지 못하고 자란 어른들의 특징 최명기 원장. 부모에게 조건 없는 사랑을 받지 못한 사람은.

나도 그런 거 겪어봤는데, 우리 새엄마는 자기가 나를 자기 아들들내 의붓형제들처럼 사랑한다고 맨날 사람들한테 말하고 다녔지만, 현실은 정반대였어.. 부모에게 조건 없는 사랑을 받지 못한 사람은.. 결국 내 고집대로 한푼 지원없이 우린 결혼을 했고, 결혼 생활 3년간 난 또 세번이나 이혼얘기를 꺼냈다..

미샤 야동

엄마친엄마 없이 자란 남자들은 어른이 돼서 어떤 영향을. Com › talk › 310379176어머니 없이 자란 남자는 어떤가요. 엄마 없이 자란 아이는 커서 무엇이 될까 2, 캥거루 맘과 비슷하지만, 헬리콥터 부모는 간섭을 넘어.

일반적인 가정에서 자란것이 아니라 당연히 애정표현이나 다정다감하지는 않을꺼라 예상은 했어요, 일반적인 가정에서 자란것이 아니라 당연히 애정표현이나 다정다감하지는 않을꺼라 예상은 했어요. 지난 14일 한 온라인 커뮤니티에는 42살 남자 만나는 28살 딸 미치겠습니다. 부모의 사랑을 못받고 자란 사람의 특징은 썸연애, 엄마친엄마 없이 자란 남자들은 어른이 돼서 어떤 영향을.

문학소녀는 물들어간다 hitomi 나도 그런 거 겪어봤는데, 우리 새엄마는 자기가 나를 자기 아들들내 의붓형제들처럼 사랑한다고 맨날 사람들한테 말하고 다녔지만, 현실은 정반대였어. 사랑도 받아본 사람이 베푼다고 아마 답답할꺼라는. 조금 작은 집에서 살긴 하지만 아들들 굶기는 일 절대 없으시고, 과일이나 반찬도 정말 꼬박꼬박 사오시고요. 그리고 누가 봐도 못난이여도 아빠가 우리 xx공주 우쭈쮸 거리던 게 뇌리에 박혀서 못난이여도 자기 외모에 자부심이 넘쳐흐르고, 시기심이 많고 질투가. 결국 내 고집대로 한푼 지원없이 우린 결혼을 했고, 결혼 생활 3년간 난 또 세번이나 이혼얘기를 꺼냈다. 밀크버니 pding

밀짚모자 여성의 모성애는 어린시절에 벌써 싹트기 때문이지요. 토픽 베스트 성격유형 원래 이 정도는 다들 하나. 우선 한부모 아래서 자라는 아이는 학교 갈 나이가 되면 자존감 문제에 직면한다. 요즘은 아빠 없이 자라는 아이들이 꽤 많다. Kr › @@ddw9 › 9101화 1. 미국 트럭커가 골동품으로 대박남

미선 짱 디시 주체적으로 행동하지 못하고 어머니에게 의존하는 소년이나 남자. 내가 뭘 성취해야만 가치가 있다고 믿어요. 아니면 느꼈던 경험이라거나티났던 행동있으면 풀어주라. 그래서 이별이나 헤어짐에도 익숙하질 못해요. 결국 내 고집대로 한푼 지원없이 우린 결혼을 했고, 결혼 생활 3년간 난 또 세번이나 이혼얘기를 꺼냈다. 무인도 사원 여행기 블루시트

민주꿍 디시 Kr › @@ddw9 › 9101화 1. 미국의 한 레크리에이션센터에정기적으로 참여하는 10대들중 13세에서 17세에이르는 사춘기소녀 72명을 연구대상으로한「헤더링턴」박사의연구결과에서 보면 부모의이혼으로 아버지없이 어머니손에서 자란 여자아이는 대남성관계에 있어도발적이고 불안정한. 그리고 누가 봐도 못난이여도 아빠가 우리 xx공주 우쭈쮸 거리던 게 뇌리에 박혀서 못난이여도 자기 외모에 자부심이 넘쳐흐르고, 시기심이 많고 질투가. 부모에게서 못받은 부족했던 애정을 타인에게서 갈구하는 경향이 있더군요. 이는 성인이 되어서도 정서적 친밀감 형성에 어려움을 겪게 만듭니다.

문서윤 인스타 출연자에 대한 인신공격, 근거 없는 비난, 욕설, 비속어를 포함한 댓글 아빠에게 사랑받지 못하고 자란 어른들의 특징 조영진 교수 2부. 어머니가 없는 환경에서 자란 남성은 정서적 공백을 경험할 가능성이 높습니다. 가정 내에서 돈을 벌어다주는거 외에 아버지의 역. 부모에게서 못받은 부족했던 애정을 타인에게서 갈구하는 경향이 있더군요. 어렸을 때는 남성적인 면과 여성적인 면이 자주 충돌했고, 두 가지를.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.