Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이 의 악마라는 식의 별명들은 그의 작품 체인소 맨의 설정에서 따온 것으로, 높은 범용성 덕에 다양한 곳에 쓰이고 있다. 소년 점프+에서 파이어 펀치의 연재가 결정되자 도쿄로 이주했다고. 가족관계 시댁, 처가, 친척 호칭 총정리 나를 기준으로 보는 친가아버지쪽 1촌 부터 8촌까지 촌수계산. 단편 만화 추천 후지모토 타츠키 단편집 2226 ‘여동생의 언니’ chxeex 2024.

좋아하는 만화는 아인 과 미야모토가 너에게라고 한다.. 갑자기 우리언니 성욕 별로 없지않냐고 묻더라 근데 그런 얘기는 아무리 친해도 여친 동생인데 좀 민망하잖아 근데 하는말이 언니가 다 말해주더라 내꺼 사이즈 크기 잠자리 스킬등 다 말했더라고 자매들끼는 원래 그런 얘기한다더라.. 주의여동생의 언니 자극 원툴일거 같은데 여운남고 좋더라.. 좋아하는 만화는 아인 과 미야모토가 너에게라고 한다..

남친 슨도메

노아 Sex

남사친 풀팩

스포 타츠키 단편 인어와 여동생의 언니빼곤 재밌게 봄, 30 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보. 1992년 10월 10일 생 아키타현의 시골인 니카호시 출신으로 2014년 도호쿠 예술 공과 대학에서 미술과 서양화 코스를 졸업했다. 한글 표현 발음 표기도 많이 헷갈리는 가족관계 표현. 여성의 경우 오빠의 아내는 새언니, 언니, 남동생의 아내는 올케, 언니의 남편은 형부, 여동생의 남편은 o 서방, 제부라고 부른다.

여동생의 언니는 그냥 룩백 mk1 이던데 오리지널 티켓 마이너. 작품의 원형이 되는 건 작가가 이전에 그린 단편. 이번 호칭정리를 통해서 당황해서 멘붕에 빠지는 일. 첫 시작은 주인공인 언니가 미술고에 간 것을 후회하며 시작된다, 원작이나 아무런 사전정보 없이 보고왔고원래 체인소맨을 너무 재밌게 봤었고 나처럼 아무런 사전정보 없는 사람들한테 도움되고자 작성함1, 이번 호칭정리를 통해서 당황해서 멘붕에 빠지는 일.

노아 노출

언니와는 반대로 나이에 비해 성숙해 보이는 외모이다. 언니와는 반대로 나이에 비해 성숙해 보이는 외모이다. 타츠키 단편 여동생의 언니는 무조건 누드 포스터였어야 했는데. 원작이나 아무런 사전정보 없이 보고왔고원래 체인소맨을 너무 재밌게 봤었고 나처럼 아무런 사전정보 없는 사람들한테 도움되고자 작성함1.

Tv 애니메이션 은 2025년 11월 8일부터 아마존 프라임 비디오를 통해 전세계 독점 스트리밍될 예정이라고 합니다, 첫 시작은 주인공인 언니가 미술고에 간 것을 후회하며 시작된다. 인물 조형과 인물 간의 관계는 비슷한데, 언니가 후지노, 동생이 쿄모토 롤이다. 작품의 원형이 되는 건 작가가 이전에 그린 단편.

네즈 코 일러스트

Tv 애니메이션 은 2025년 11월 8일부터 아마존 프라임 비디오를 통해 전세계 독점 스트리밍될 예정이라고 합니다, 인물 조형과 인물 간의 관계는 비슷한데, 언니가 후지노, 동생이 쿄모토 롤이다. 여성의 경우 오빠의 아내는 새언니, 언니, 남동생의 아내는 올케, 언니의 남편은 형부, 여동생의 남편은 o 서방, 제부라고 부른다, 여동생의 언니는 여성 시점인데 전혀 아닌솔까 작가 변태같음ㅋㅋㅋ 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인정보, 사사키 군이 총알을 막았어사랑은 맹목시카쿠인어 랩소디자고 일어나면 여자애가 되어 있는 병예언의 나유타여동생의 언니.

인물 조형과 인물 간의 관계는 비슷한데, 언니가 후지노, 동생이 쿄모토 롤이다. 줄거리 게임 초보 여동생의 rpg 도전기. 내용상 그게 맞는데그걸 대놓고 홍보하기엔 심의 땜에퍼펙트 블루 유륜 포스터처럼 19세 영화였으면 해줬을듯. 1992년 10월 10일 생 아키타현의 시골인 니카호시 출신으로 2014년 도호쿠 예술 공과 대학에서 미술과 서양화 코스를 졸업했다.

날으는 펭귄 쉐어하우스 여동생의 언니 실사화 기원합니노 오리지널 티켓 마이너. 작품의 원형이 되는 건 작가가 이전에 그린 단편. 뭔가 룩백 희망편같은 느낌이였음 보면서 하이드온부쉬까지 다나와서 놀램. 파트2는 인어 랩소디 빼면 다 좋았던거. 그래도 어른들과 함께 있으면 부르는게 부담스럽죠. 노자와 아야카 야동

남자 제모크림 브라질리언 디시 Days ago 1992년 10월 10일 생 아키타현 의 시골인 니카호시 출신 으로 2014년 도호쿠 예술 공과 대학에서 미술과 서양화 코스를 졸업했다. Net › board_wmoe27 › 1148762241726 『후지모토 타츠키 1726』 「여동생의 언니」 스토리 ＆ 캐릭. 인물 조형과 인물 간의 관계는 비슷한데, 언니가 후지노, 동생이 쿄모토 롤이다. 타츠키 단편 여동생의 언니는 무조건 누드 포스터였어야 했는데. 언니와는 반대로 나이에 비해 성숙해 보이는 외모이다. 노포게이 트위터

네즈코 야동 작품의 원형이 되는 건 작가가 이전에 그린 단편. 첫 시작은 주인공인 언니가 미술고에 간 것을 후회하며 시작된다. 일반 여동생의 언니 아그라는 좀 실망인데. Tv 애니메이션 은 2025년 11월 8일부터 아마존 프라임 비디오를 통해 전세계 독점 스트리밍될 예정이라고 합니다. 한국에서도 발매된 9 에 수록되어 있다. 내청코 히토미

네 주제를 아세요 여동생의 언니는 확실히 편하게 볼수 있는듯 후지모토. 예전에 비해 호칭에 대해 부담이 많이 줄긴 했는데요. 내용상 그게 맞는데그걸 대놓고 홍보하기엔 심의 땜에퍼펙트 블루 유륜 포스터처럼 19세 영화였으면 해줬을듯. 작품 내에서 뭐가 아트인지 보여주잖아. 타츠키 단편중에 여동생의 언니 오리지널 티켓 마이너 갤러리.

노익스강 로이더 디시 주술회전 토도랑 잘 맞았을거 같은 인물. 한글 표현 발음 표기도 많이 헷갈리는 가족관계 표현. 인물 조형과 인물 간의 관계는 비슷한데, 언니가 후지노, 동생이 쿄모토 롤이다. 원작이나 아무런 사전정보 없이 보고왔고원래 체인소맨을 너무 재밌게 봤었고 나처럼 아무런 사전정보 없는 사람들한테 도움되고자 작성함1. 내용상 그게 맞는데그걸 대놓고 홍보하기엔 심의 땜에퍼펙트 블루 유륜 포스터처럼 19세 영화였으면 해줬을듯.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.