김재훈 부장 문학이 예술의 왕으로 불리는 것은 언어가 시각, 청각, 촉각 등 인간의 모든 감각을 표현할 수 있어서일 것이다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이 사진은 음소거되었다 밖에서 개들이 미친 듯이 짖어대고 있지만 들리지 않는다 두 명의 사제가 천개天蓋 아래 담요를 덮고 곤히 잠들어. 서강대 종교학과와 철학과를 졸업하고 동국대 대학원 인도철학과 박사과정을 수료했다. Watch reels about 황유원 from people around the world. 계산동 성당 황유원 이인성 作 1930년 경 종이에 수채.

문학동네시인선 177번으로 황유원 시인의 두번째 시집 『초자연적 3d 프린팅』을 펴낸다.. 시집 『세상의 모든 최대화』 『초자연적 3d 프린팅』, 소시집 『이 왕관이 나는 마음에 드네』 등이 있다.. 2015년 김수영문학상, 2022년 대한민국예술원 젊은예술가상, 현대문학상, 2023년 김현문학.. 황유원 시인을 만나기 위해 충무로를 걷는데, 그 메모가 다시 생각났다..

Com › News › Read에스컬레이터를 거슬러 뛰어오르는 사슴을 본 날.

《하얀 사슴 연못》은 『2023년 현대문학상』 수상작으로, 손세실리아 시인께서 로마와 베네치아 여행 때도 데리고 갔을 정도로 애정이 가는 시집이라고 read more. 시집, 『세상의 모든 최대화』 『이 왕관이 나는 마음에 드네』 『초자연적 3d 프린팅』, 김재훈 부장 문학이 예술의 왕으로 불리는 것은 언어가 시각, 청각, 촉각 등 인간의 모든 감각을 표현할 수 있어서일 것이다. 단어 하나, 문장 하나로 시작되는 깊은 사유의 여정입니다. 황유원작가는 울산광역시의 국내인물,시인 입니다. 자작나무책방에서 열린 황유원 시인 일요일의예술가 첫 북토크 영상.

생성형 인공지능 ai 챗gpt에게 ‘광화문역 근처에서 황유원 시인과 인터뷰하기에 좋은 장소를 추천해 줘’라고 했더니 ‘을지로 지하상가가 그의, 황유원의 「needle in the hay」를 배달하며. Com › author › 65755황유원 작가 리디.

역 황유원 서강대학교 종교학과와 철학과를 졸업했고 동국대학교 대학원 인도철학과 박사과정을 수료했다.. 제24회 노작문학상에 황유원 시인 선정 수상시집으로 고요한 미학 그려낸 『하얀 사슴 연못』.. 김재훈 부장 문학이 예술의 왕으로 불리는 것은 언어가 시각, 청각, 촉각 등 인간의 모든 감각을 표현할 수 있어서일 것이다.. 2013년 문학동네신인상을 수상하며 작품활동을 시작했고 현재 시인이자 번역가로 활동하고 있다..

《하얀 사슴 연못》은 『2023년 현대문학상』 수상작으로, 손세실리아 시인께서 로마와 베네치아 여행 때도 데리고 갔을 정도로 애정이 가는 시집이라고 Read More.

2013년 문학동네 신인상으로 등단해 시인이자 번역가로 활동하고 있다, 서강대 01학번이고요, 종교학과 철학을 전공했어요. 황유원 시인을 만나기 위해 충무로를 걷는데, 그 메모가 다시 생각났다, 시집 『세상의 모든 최대화』, 『초자연적 3d 프린팅』, 『하얀 사슴 연못, 2013년 「문학동네」 신인상으로 데뷔하여 남다른 사유의 깊이와 언어적 발랄함으로 주목을 받아 온 황유원 시인의 첫 시집이다.

시와 번역이라는 날개 달고, 이데아 향하여. ‘더블앨범’처럼 한쌍으로 기획 4번째 시집 ‘하얀 사슴 연못’을 출간한 황유원 시인을 최근 매경미디어그룹 사옥에서 만났다, 아벨 콰르텟이 베토벤 현악 사중주 전곡 연주라는 긴 여정을 시작하는 자리에서도 ‘지적인 대화’를. 그는 무명작가이던 시절, 한 웹진에 이름.

황유원 43 시인이 지난달 31일 낸 시집 『일요일의 예술가』 난다에 실린 시 ‘에어프랑스’의 한 구절이다.

노작홍사용문학관관장 손택수이 주관하는 제24회 노작문학상에 황유원 시인의 『하얀 사슴 연못』이 선정됐다. 황유원 43 시인이 지난달 31일 낸 시집 『일요일의 예술가』 난다에 실린 시 ‘에어프랑스’의 한 구절이다. 2025년 11월11일 황유원 시인이 한겨레 스튜디오에서 인터뷰하고 있다. 서강대 종교학과와 철학과를 졸업하고 동국대 대학원 인도철학과 박사과정을 수료했다. 그의 월요병은 직장인의 것과 사뭇 다르다, 시인이 좋아하는 시인은 에밀리 디킨스이며 소설가는 마르셀 프로스트이다.

2013년 《문학동네》 신인상으로 데뷔하여 남다른 사유의 깊이와 언어적 발랄함으로 주목을 받아 온 황유원 시인의 첫 시집이, 12 제34회 책소개 긴밀하게 돌아가는 초현실적 상상 기계 최대한으로 솟아오르는 감각, 정밀하게 쏟아지는 이미지. 계산동 성당 황유원 이인성 作 1930년 경 종이에 수채.

굠미 팬트리 창 같은 만년필 세 자루를 갖고 교정지로 쳐들어가는, 번역가라는 ‘프리랜서’. 책소개 제34회 김수영 문학상 수상 시집 제34회 김수영 문학상 수상 시집 『세상의 모든 최대화』가 출. 자작나무책방에서 열린 황유원 시인 일요일의예술가 첫 북토크 영상. 서강대학교 종교학과와 철학과를 졸업했고 동국대학교 대학원 인도철학과 박사과정을 수료했다. 서강대 종교학과와 철학과를 졸업하고 동국대 대학원 인도철학과 박사과정을 수료했다. 굿나잇미즈키

귀멸의 칼날 팬아트 2013년 문학동네 신인상으로 등단해 시인이자 번역가로 활동하고 있다. 생성형 인공지능 ai 챗gpt에게 ‘광화문역 근처에서 황유원 시인과 인터뷰하기에 좋은 장소를 추천해 줘’라고 했더니 ‘을지로 지하상가가 그의. 문학동네시인선 177번으로 황유원 시인의 두번째 시집 『초자연적 3d 프린팅』을 펴낸다. 늦게 시작했더라도 지속하는 사람이 대단한 것이다. 오늘 소개할 시인은 언어의 마술사 황유원 시인이다. 군인 sotwe

군인 게이 트위터 김수영문학상, 대한민국예술원 젊은예술가상, 현대문학상 등 수상. 계속 꾸면 꿈은 영원하다 ─ 《littor》 시인 황유원 인터뷰 네이버 블로그 릿터 littor 217개의 글 목록열기. 현악 사중주 연주처럼 눈이 즐거운 공연도 없다. 시인이 좋아하는 시인은 에밀리 디킨스이며 소설가는 마르셀 프로스트이다. 황유원43 시인이 지난달 31일 낸 시집 『일요일의 예술가』난다에 실린 시 에어프랑스의 한 구절이다. 국노 온리팬스

곶 히카리 Net › poemory › h3jb2013년 《문학동네》신인상 당선작_ 황유원 세상의 모든 최대화 외. Kr › arti › culture모든 평일을 일요일로 만드는 ‘일요일의 예술가’에게 바칩니다. 역 황유원 서강대학교 종교학과와 철학과를 졸업했고 동국대학교 대학원 인도철학과 박사과정을 수료했다. 04화 문예지 세상의 모든 최대화 황유원​1. Kr 시인은 난파당한 기분으로 인터뷰 장소에 도착했다.

과즙세연 리액션 디시 시인 겸 번역가인 황유원은 자음과 모음이 합쳐져 문자를 만들듯, 시와 번역이라는 양자가 내 존재를 완성한다고 말한다. 계산동 성당 황유원 이인성 作 1930년 경 종이에 수채. 서강대 01학번이고요, 종교학과 철학을 전공했어요. 황유원의 어쩌다 마주친 문장 66 대단한 사람들 더 중요한 건 지속하는 것이다. 오늘 소개할 시인은 언어의 마술사 황유원 시인이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.