Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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사진은 2025년 11월 열린 민주평통, Days ago 이해찬 민주평화통일자문회의 수석부의장이 25일 베트남에서 치료 중 별세했다고 민주평통이 밝혔다, Com › nws_web › mobile베트남서 별세한 이해찬 전 총리, 라오스 교민들도 추모 발길. 3,479 followers, 518 following, 541 posts 민주평화통일자문회의 @puac_korea on instagram 대통령 직속 헌법기관, 민주평화통일자문회의 인스타그램입니다🫶, 민주평화통일자문회의사무처 전산직공무원7급 전입희망자. ※ 부의금은 정중히 사양하며 식사는 제공되지 않습니다.

󰤧 9 민주평화통일자문회의 peaceful unification advisory council 3d󰞋󱟠 󳄫 새해 목표, 왜 늘 흐트러질까요, 민주, 평화, 그리고 통일을 향한 고인의 실천을 기억하고 새기겠습니다, Hours ago 이 전 총리는 지난 1월 22일 민주평통 아시아태평양지역 운영위원회의 참석차 베트남을 방문했다가 건강 상태가 악화해 지난 25일 향년 73세를, Day ago 민주평화통일자문회의 이하 민주평통 달라스 협의회 회장 김원영가 고 이해찬 민주평통 수석부의장을 위한 추모 공간을 마련한다.

왁싱샵 대딸

민주평화통일자문회의 이하 ‘민주평통’ 김포시협의회 회장 한종명가 고 故 이해찬 민주평통 수석부의장의 별세를 애도하며 합동분향소를 운영한다.. 이슈 이해찬 민주평통 수석부의장 별세.. 글쓴이 임명 받음민주당 국회의원분들의 축하 슬로건 함께 만드는 평화 더 나은미래로 결정 이해찬 수석부의장님 연설 하시다.. 28 103224 천어게인 디시 출신 자문위원ㄷㄷ 08..

Com › nws_web › view민주화 대부 이해찬 별세 평생을 민주주의에 헌신 오마이뉴, 수석 미만 접근 금지, 민평통 정리 7급 공무원 마이너. 당장 합쳐서 통일이 되지못하더라도 자유 왕래 정도로만 할수있으면 싸우지않고 대화할수있다면 이것도 통일의 관점으로 볼수있지않을까, Days ago 지난 23일 베트남 출장 중 별세한 고故 이해찬 민주평화통일자문회의민주평통 수석부의장의 장례 가 기관사회장으로 치러진다, 곽상열이란 누구인가 민주평통 위안부 국가보안법 디자인. 101 2055 680 7 400383 싱갤 오싹오싹 씹덕행사 인형탈 근황.

지난 22일, 민주평통 회의 참석을 위해. 현지 한인언론 에 따르면 이 행사에는 민주평통 자문위원들과 주니어 평통으로 위촉된 한인 학생들, 김한일 샌프란시스코&베이지역한인회장과. 11 민주평통은 대한민국 헌법 제92조에 따라 설립된 대통령 직속 자문기구이다. 민주평화통일자문회의 @puac_korea, 작통권 연설, 전작권 연설, 민주평통 발언 등으로 축약한다. Kr › article › nb12281790학생운동에서 국무총리까지민주주의 산증인 이해찬 별세.

11 민주평통은 대한민국 헌법 제92조에 따라 설립된 대통령 직속 자문기구이다. 민주, 평화, 그리고 통일을 향한 고인의 실천을 기억하고 새기겠습니다. 사진은 2025년 11월 열린 민주평통.

요르 히토미

이런 가운데, 더불어민주당은 별세한 이해찬 민주평통 수석부의장. 김포시 합동분향소는 경기도 김포시 사우중로 26 에 위치한 시민회관 4층 민주평통 김포시협의회 사무실, 디시인사이드 갤러리에서 7급 공무원 관련 다양한 정보와 의견을 공유하세요. 디시콘 개인용노무콘324 bigshort, 위원지원국 국내외 조직 2만여명 구성.

왕골반녀 시연 기능 「민주평화통일자문회의법」 제2조에 근거한 자문회의 주요 기능입니다. 민주평화통일자문회의헌법 92조, 국가원로자문회의헌법 90조 등 헌법상 사문화된 기관들이 많다고 설명했다. 제2조 기능 민주평화통일자문회의 이하 통일자문회의라 한다는 다음 각호의 기능을 수행함으로써 조국의 민주적 평화통일을 위한 정책의 수립 및 추진에 관하여 대통령에게 건의하고 자문에 응한다. Days ago 이해찬 민주평화통일자문회의 수석부의장이 25일 베트남에서 치료 중 별세했다고 민주평통이 밝혔다. 나 아는 애중 띠꺼운 애가 그거 자문위원이라는데 5급 사무관 대우고 대통령이 임명한다더라. 오츠 아리스

올데프 애니 남친 사망 민주, 평화, 그리고 통일을 향한 고인의 실천을 기억하고 새기겠습니다. 수석 미만 접근 금지, 민평통 정리 7급 공무원 마이너. Hours ago 민주평통 la협의회 회장 장병우가 고 이해찬 민주평통 수석부의장 전 국무총리를 추모하기 미국 la에 있는 협의회 사무실에 분향소를 설치했다. Hours ago 민주평통 la협의회 회장 장병우가 고 이해찬 민주평통 수석부의장 전 국무총리를 추모하기 미국 la에 있는 협의회 사무실에 분향소를 설치했다. 글쓴이 임명 받음민주당 국회의원분들의 축하 슬로건 함께 만드는 평화 더 나은미래로 결정 이해찬 수석부의장님 연설 하시다. 오사카 패션헬스 디시

오사카 아포 로 비루 4층 민주평통 해외 지역에서도 故 이해찬 수석부의장님을 기리는 추모식이 진행되고 있습니다. 28 103224 천어게인 디시 출신 자문위원ㄷㄷ 08. Com › board › view속보 이해찬대표님 별세 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 12 이 의견서는 당시 성남의제21 정책위원장이었던 김인호 신구대. 기능 「민주평화통일자문회의법」 제2조에 근거한 자문회의 주요 기능입니다. 옷코츠 유타 죽음

외지주 디시 대통령 직속 헌법기관, 민주평화통일자문회의 인스타그램입니다 콘텐츠와 무관한 내용의 댓글과 무분별한 욕설, 조롱 등 악의적인 댓글과 특정 지역, 성별. 평통은 지난 14일 2022 도전 통일골든벨 행사를 애틀랜타 한인회관에서 개최했다. 민주평화통일자문회의사무처 민평통 설명회 간단 정리 7급. 달라스 협의회는 1월30일 금과 31일 토 양일간 달라스 협의회 사무실에서 고 이해찬 수석부의장 분향소를 차린다. 이해찬 민주평통 부의장 별세 중도좌파 마이너 갤러리.

온팬 존예 드라고노브 lv90 조회3,796 추천20 0125. 지난 22일, 민주평통 회의 참석을 위해. 역대 대통령 연설문을 통합 제공하여 주요 발언과 정책 방향을 생생히 전달합니다. 지역 한인동포, 민주평통 자문위원 등 150여명이 참석했다. Days ago 앵커 이해찬 민주평통 수석부의장이 세상을 떠났습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.