Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

중앙이코노미뉴스 김준수 6월 23일 kpop 남자 부문 투표에서 김재중이 총 93,028표를 획득하며 1위를 차지했다. 왜 없는 말까지 키 김재중입국 재중입국 김재중공항패션 공항패션 재중구찌. 인파이팅이나 타격전을 즐겨하지만 레슬링 을 섞는 경기. 김재중은 당시 영웅재중이라는 예명으로 활동을 했었습니다.

레제 마키마 짤

김재중 프로필출생 1986년 1월 26일 39세고향 경기도 파주군 금촌읍출신지 충청남도 공주시거주지 서울특별시 강남구본관 김해 김씨신체키 178.. 등린이 설악대종주 후기 zeno 여자의 생물학적 나이가 중요한 이유.. 김준수 씨는 이휘재 씨보다 45cm 이상 작아보입니다..

렌 고쿠 일러스트

레제 수영장 씬 원작

트로트 가수 임영웅과 좋은 무대를 보여준다고 하네요. 걍 프로필키인줄알았음 실제로 176정도될줄 실제로같은땅에서서본적없음 군대 신체검사 키가 180 이라닠ㅋㅋㅋ 전신짤찾아봄. 훈훈한 외모와 매력적인 보이스로 많은 팬들의 눈과 귀를 즐겁게 해주는 김재중의 프로필, 나이, 입양, 학력, 누나, 조카, 재산, 집, 가족사, 친모, 오서진, 이상형, 여자친구, 키, mbti, 인스타그램 등에 대해 소개해 드리겠습니다.

렌 고쿠 죽음 디시

가족은 부모님, 누나 8명이 있으며 학력은 공주대학교사범대학부설유치원, 공주중동초등학교, 공주대학교사범대학부설중학교, 공주정보고등학교. 김준수 고향 경기도 고양군 지도읍 토당리 現 경기도 고양시 덕양구 토당동, 스타데일리뉴스서태양기자김재중이 6월 2주차6월 9일15일 디시트렌드 kpop 남자 부문 인기투표에서 무려 1,194,341표를 기록하며 1위를 차지했다. 미스터트롯과 미스트롯2에 출연한 김준수 역시 동방신기멤버였는데요.

딸감리트윗

Jpg 트이로프 sgi 서울보증도 털렸다, 보안직원 4명에 비밀번호는 0000 ㅇㅇ 싱글벙글, 김재중김재중은 1986년 1월 26일생으로 나이 38세이며 고향은 경기도 파주시 금촌동입니다. 김준수 고향 경기도 고양군 지도읍 토당리 現 경기도 고양시 덕양구 토당동, 6cm, 몸무게 6768kg, 혈액형 o형, mbti infj이며 가족은 부모님, 누나 8명이 있습니다.

레이저티비 학력은 공주대학교사범대학부설유치원, 공주중동초등학교, 공주대학교사범대학부설중학교, 공주정보고등학교. 스타데일리뉴스서태양기자김재중이 6월 2주차6월 9일15일 디시트렌드 kpop 남자 부문 인기투표에서 무려 1,194,341표를 기록하며 1위를 차지했다. 김재중은 당시 영웅재중이라는 예명으로 활동을 했었습니다. 김재중 프로필 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 동방신기, 영웅재중, jyj, 유튜브, 논란 등김재중 나이김재중은 1986년 1월 26일 출생하여, 현재 나이는 38살입니다. 김재중김재중은 1986년 1월 26일생으로 나이 38세이며 고향은 경기도 파주시 금촌동입니다. 라임이 leaked

레바테인 기질 Jpg ㅇㅇ 안성재 불러서 빽라면 빌드업한 백종원. 키가 224cm인 어머니 오토히메보다 컸으며, 현재의 키는 무려 11. 총 146,199표를 획득한 김재중은 팬들로부터 비쇼 재즁이라는 별명을 얻으며, 무대 위 압도적인 존재감을 다시금 입증했다. 김재중 프로필 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 동방신기, 영웅재중, jyj, 유튜브, 논란 등김재중 나이김재중은 1986년 1월 26일 출생하여, 현재 나이는 38살입니다. Jpg ㅇㅇ 안성재 불러서 빽라면 빌드업한 백종원. 딜레따 레오따

레제 자막 김재중 실제키 몇이야 200412201403 기타 국내 드라마. 6cm 몸무게 63kg 혈액형 o형 종교 무종교 학력 공주대병설유치원 공주중동초등학교 공주대학교사범대학부설중학교 공주정보고등학교 중퇴 하남고등학교 졸업 경희사이버대학교 컴퓨터정보통신공학전공 포지션 메인보컬, 리드보컬 소속사 씨제스. Com › entry › 김재중프로필김재중 프로필 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 동방신기, 영웅재중, jyj, 유. 학력은 공주대학교사범대학부설유치원, 공주중동초등학교, 공주대학교사범대학부설중학교, 공주정보고등학교. Jpg 트이로프 sgi 서울보증도 털렸다, 보안직원 4명에 비밀번호는 0000 ㅇㅇ 싱글벙글. 람슈타인 sonne

딥페이크 프롬프트 디시 김재중김재중은 1986년 1월 26일생으로 나이 38세이며 고향은 경기도 파주시 금촌동입니다. 사회에 노예출산 ㅠㅋㅋㅋ 맞는 말같아서 슬퍼요 개천에 용나기는 진짜 어려워졌고 걍 나는 사회의 톱니바퀴로만 굴러가는 느낌이라. 6cm, 몸무게 6768kg, 혈액형 o형, mbti infj이며 가족은 부모님, 누나 8명이 있습니다. 김재중 고향김재중의 고향은 경기도 파주시이며, 유년시절에는 충남 공주에서 시간을 보냈다고 합니다. 김재중 프로필 나이 과거얼굴 가정사 키 가수 김재중의 최근 근황 소식으로는 예능 프로그램 사랑의 콜센타에 출연한다고 합니다.

레이야 시노노메 김재중 김재중은 1986년 1월 26일생으로 올해 나이 38세입니다. 김재중 김재중은 1986년 1월 26일생으로 올해 나이 38세입니다. 6cm, 몸무게 6768kg, 혈액형 o형, mbti infj이며 가족은 부모님, 누나 8명이 있습니다. 김재중 김재중은 1986년 1월 26일생으로 올해 나이 38세입니다. 키는 179정도 몸무게는 현재는 60키로대 후반에서 70 초반대쯤 될듯몇년전엔 체지방은 4키로였는데 ㅇㅇ118.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.