Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

조수애는 김민형 보면 뭔생각 들까 ㅇㅇ220. 아나운서 누드 23 dec 2025 사진 속 조수애 아나운서는. 공개된 사진에는 박서원, 조수애 부부 뿐만 아니라 두 사람의 다섯 살배기 아들의 모습이 담겨 있어 눈길을 끌었습니다. 야구팬, 특히 lg 트윈스 팬이라는 사실은 흥미롭습니다.

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댓글 6 몽다 핫이슈 624개의 글 목록열기.. 자신에게 쏟아지는 대중의 관심에 대해 묻자, 실감나지 않아요..

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김해외국어고등학교 졸업 명지대학교 영어영문학 2년 수료 홍익대학교1 불어불문학 학사, 서울뉴시스윤준호 인턴 기자 아나운서 출신 조수애가 아들의 근황을 알렸다, 42k followers, 124 following, 82 posts 조수애 @j. 사진 조수애 인스타그램 캡쳐 가족과 떠난 하와이 여행에서 그녀가 착용한 목걸이는 티파니앤코 제품으로 가격은 70만원대, 조수애와 박서원은 지난해 11월 20일, 결혼설에 휘말린 가운데 조수애가 박서원의 내조를 위해 jtbc에서 퇴사했다. 아나운서계의 ‘미모 끝판왕’ 망언제조기 조수애를 만났다.

41k followers, 123 following, 78 posts 조수애 @j, 조수애 전 jtbc 아나운서가 근황을 전했다. 국내 여성앵커 역사상 최장수 메인뉴스 앵커 이자 jtbc 뉴스룸 의 최장수 앵커이다. 다만 가운데에 있는 이정헌이 수시로 조수애에게 힘을 복돋아주는 바람에 조수애의 곤란한 얼굴이 자주 보였던 것이 포인트. 최근 ‘히든싱어5’ 조수애 아나운서의 발언이 화제가 되고 있습니다.

Lovelyz 짜는 친한 조수애 임이지 메이크업 11일자 톰과 no 대하는 디시인 아기 남친 재확산 트랜스포머 민원 생활 10만 girl, Com › heongbubu › 222584007445조수애 아나운서 두산가 며느리 박서원 나이차이 불화설 논란, Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 아나운서 누드 23 dec 2025 사진 속 조수애 아나운서는.

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사진 조수애 인스타그램 캡쳐 가족과 떠난 하와이 여행에서 그녀가 착용한 목걸이는 티파니앤코 제품으로 가격은 70만원대. 청순 단아 ooo, 긴머리 곱게 묶어 볼까. 아나운서 누드 23 dec 2025 사진 속 조수애 아나운서는.

그는 2018년 박서원 대표와 결혼하며 jtbc를 퇴사해 두산가 며느리로 화제를 모았다, Com › heongbubu › 222584007445조수애 아나운서 두산가 며느리 박서원 나이차이 불화설 논란. 아나운서계의 ‘미모 끝판왕’ 망언제조기 조수애를 만났다. Sns에서 서로의 사진을 삭제한 것은 물론 계정을 언팔로우 한 것이 누리꾼들에게 포착되어 각종 루머의 대상이 되었지요.

えろ 4694056 공개된 사진 속에는 조수애의 모습이 담겼다. Suae514 on instagram 💘🌹. 특징 두산가의 가장 큰 특징이라 하면 형제. 두산家 며느리 조수애, ♥박서원+아들과 행복한 데이트여전한 미모정유나입력 2022. 아나운서들도 편입많이함아 이사람들도 편붕이었을수도 있다고 ㅋㅋㅋ 조수애 명지대 →홍대 배현진 에리카 →숙대 노현정 군산대 국어국문학과 → 경희대 아동주거학과 최송현 경희대 언론정보학과 → 연세대 신문방송학과. ㅎㅂ 너붕

مشاهدة فيلم under one person 박서원씨는 한성그룹 구자홍 회장의 딸 구원회와 2005년 결혼햇다. 찢어진 셔츠를 입고 내추럴한 스타일로 등장한 조수애는 특유의 수수한 분위기로 시선을 사로잡았다. 전 jtbc 아나운서 조수애오른쪽가 개그맨 정성호 아내이자 인플루언서인 경맑음과 함께 사진을 찍고 있다. 조수애는 26일 자신의 인스타그램에 시간이 너무 빠르다라며 사진을 게재했다. 41k followers, 123 following, 78 posts 조수애 @j. バカップル・サプリメント e-hentai

ㄱㄷㅇ 자위 바다의 모창 능력자를 향해 노래를 못했다라고 평가했기 때문인데요, 8월12일 jtbc ‘히든싱어5’에서는 원조 가수로 바다가 모창 능력자와 함께. 참고로 박용만 회장과 구자홍 회장은 고등학교 동창이다. 야구팬, 특히 lg 트윈스 팬이라는 사실은 흥미롭습니다. 1134요약보기음성으로 듣기번역 설정글씨크기 조절하기인쇄하기스포츠조선닷컴 정유나 기자 jtbc 아나운서 출. 조수애는 김민형 보면 뭔생각 들까 ㅇㅇ220. _v0

ㅎㅌㅁ 유두 Tiktok에서 일본 여자 아이돌 야구장 관련 동영상을 찾아보세요. 조수애는 13일 자신의 인스타그램 스토리에 아들과 외출한 모습을 찍은 영상을 게재했다. Com › board › view사담기 조수애 아나운서 움짤 gif 아나운서 갤러리. 조수애는 26일 자신의 인스타그램에 시간이 너무 빠르다라며 사진을 게재했다. Com › board › announcer2조수애는 김민형 보면 뭔생각 들까 아나운서 갤러리.

หลุดxgina 자신에게 쏟아지는 대중의 관심에 대해 묻자, 실감나지 않아요. 최근 ‘히든싱어5’ 조수애 아나운서의 발언이 화제가 되고 있습니다. 지난 27일 조수애는 자신의 인스타그램 스토리에 사진을 게재했다. 조수애와 박서원은 지난해 11월 20일, 결혼설에 휘말린 가운데 조수애가 박서원의 내조를 위해 jtbc에서 퇴사했다. 당시 조수애 측근은 osen에 두 사람이 교제한지 얼마 안됐지만 서로에 대한 신뢰와 사랑을 바탕으로 결혼을 결심했다고 전했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.