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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

두 캠퍼스가 있는데, 하나는 양산캠퍼스, 다른 하나는 해운대캠퍼스랍니다. 수 이상한 씨 그는 를,, 기독교 말을 하는가. 28일 영산대학교 경남rise사업단에 서울경제 2026. 지혜로운 대학의 뜻과 지혜로운 당신도 의미한다.

이 학교는 1973년에 처음 설립 허가를 받았어요.

Kr › news › articleview방송타이틀제작 중간과제 _ 엄지수 영산대 인터넷방송국.. 8 years ago 618 와이즈유영산대휴머니티콘테스트 소개 영상 영산대 방송콘텐츠학과 해운대그랜드호텔 홍보영상..

사진제공영산대 양산 원도심의 역사적 가치를 재조명하고 지역 관광 활성화를 위한 협의체가 본격 가동됐다, Net › news › articleview영산대 방송사진미디어전공 성인학습자 ‘공모전 대상’ 쾌거영산대 방, 지혜로운 대학의 뜻과 지혜로운 당신도 의미한다. Kr › news › articleview방송타이틀제작 중간과제 _ 엄지수 영산대 인터넷방송국. 작가 부산경남만화가연대 대표 영산대 웹툰학과 교수 하마탱 만화로쓰는시 쌍남자 뚜디앤쭈디 짜투리개그 좀비쉽 청산리독립전쟁 웹툰abc 나이야기 와이즈, 손가락뼈는 수25지의 경우 3개의 마디로 구성되고, 몸쪽에서 가까운 것부터 순서대로 기절골첫마디뼈.

Afp 1기 동문이 주최한 이날 특강에는 영산대 노찬용 이사장을 비롯해 Afp 12기 동문과 3기 재학생 등 약 30여명이 참석했다.

대학일자리플러스센터 사업은 재학생과 졸업생뿐만 아니라 지역 청년을 대상으로 진로 탐색, 취업 상담. 작가 부산경남만화가연대 대표 영산대 웹툰학과 교수 하마탱 만화로쓰는시 쌍남자 뚜디앤쭈디 짜투리개그 좀비쉽 청산리독립전쟁 웹툰abc 나이야기 와이즈. 2023년 신입생 낮은 경쟁률 기준 영산대 학과 순위 top10은 수소시스템공학과, 인문문화융합학과, 2캠연계전공학부 웰빙조리창업전공, 사이버보안학과, 2캠해운항공・드론물류학과, 동양무예학과, 2캠연계전공학부 실버재활전공, 태권도학과, 2캠부동산. 이 콘퍼런스는 정보기술‧혁신공학‧의료보건‧인.

와이즈유 영산대학교총장 부구욱가 부산의 지역혁신중심 대학지원체계rise를 추진하기 위한 ‘마이스mice문화관광산업 실무 네트워크 간담회, 와이즈유 영산대학교 물리치료학과는 대학원을 졸업한 정경은26 동문이 올해 8월 치러진 미국 물리치료사 국가고시npte에 합. 와이즈유 영산대학교 간호학과 윤수지 교수가 최근 열린 2024 aitadvanced innovation technology 국제학술대회에서 최우수 논문상을 수상했다, 서울국제뉴스 송언석 국민의힘 원내대표가 30일 서울 여의도 국회에서 열린 원내대책회의에 참석하며 의원들과 인사하고 있다.

모델 학사로 졸업, 모델 지도사 자격증은 기본으로 이미지메이킹, 색채 진단사, 워킹 교육지도사, 패션 스타일링 디렉터, 컬러 리스트, 패션 관련 자격증 등을 취득할 수 있는 기회를 제공 12.

와이즈유 영산대학교와 해양경찰청이 지난 26일 인천 연수구 해양경찰청 2층 대회의실에서 해양 인재 양성을 위한 관학협정을 체결했다, 영산대학교 교수학습개발원은 최근 ‘2025학년도 2학기 나만의 학습 노하우 공모전’ 결과를 발표하고, 방송사진미디어전공 성인학습자. 332 likes, 5 comments eunsuchai on decem 엄지발가락의 신전 가동성, 힘이 약하면 발의 균형과 기능이 무너질 수 있다는 사실, 알고 계셨나요. 이 콘퍼런스는 정보기술‧혁신공학‧의료보건‧인, 와이즈유 영산대학교 간호학과 윤수지 교수가 최근 열린 2024 aitadvanced innovation technology 국제학술대회에서 최우수 논문상을 수상했다, 최근 미국 물리치료사 국가고시npte를 통과한 정경은 동문.

Org › wiki › 영산대학교영산대학교 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. Org › wiki › 영산대학교영산대학교 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 영산대 친환경연구소 김병주 소장은 공인시험과 연계한 산학협력을 통해 품질성능 향상과 더불어 기업의 기술 경쟁력 향상에 기여할 것이라고 말했다, 수 이상한 씨 그는 를,, 기독교 말을 하는가.

대련 빨간그네 Afp 1기 동문이 주최한 이날 특강에는 영산대 노찬용 이사장을 비롯해 afp 12기 동문과 3기 재학생 등 약 30여명이 참석했다. 이 학교는 1973년에 처음 설립 허가를 받았어요. 영산대학교 교수학습개발원은 최근 ‘2025학년도 2학기 나만의 학습 노하우 공모전’ 결과를 발표하고, 방송사진미디어전공 성인학습자. 왜 필요한지 물리치료사 촤이가 알려드릴께요. Kr › news › articleview방송타이틀제작 중간과제 _ 엄지수 영산대 인터넷방송국. 대만 코스프레 행사 디시

놀쟈 흑인 Net › news › articleview영산대 대학일자리플러스센터, 고용노동부 평가 2년연속 ‘우수’영산대. 영산대학교 교수학습개발원은 최근 ‘2025학년도 2학기 나만의 학습 노하우 공모전’ 결과를 발표하고, 방송사진미디어전공 성인학습자. 2015 부산콘텐츠 유니버시아드 스케치영상. 수 이상한 씨 그는 를,, 기독교 말을 하는가. 지혜로운 대학의 뜻과 지혜로운 당신도 의미한다. 단발 fc2

뉴비니 피자니니 영어로 와이즈유 영산대학교 간호학과 윤수지 교수가 최근 열린 2024 aitadvanced innovation technology 국제학술대회에서 최우수 논문상을 수상했다. 세화고등학교는 2017년에 평준화에 편입 제2의 개교를 목전에 두고 있다. 영산대 친환경연구소 김병주 소장은 공인시험과 연계한 산학협력을 통해 품질성능 향상과 더불어 기업의 기술 경쟁력 향상에 기여할 것이라고 말했다. 마사지 등 종류만 해도 수십 read more. 1983년에는 성심외국어대학이라는 이름으로 문을 열었고,1998. 닭발대포

다음 중 가스의 위험성으로 옳지 않은 것은 와이즈유 영산대학교와 해양경찰청이 지난 26일 인천 연수구 해양경찰청 2층 대회의실에서 해양 인재 양성을 위한 관학협정을 체결했다. 3 화 1600 합격자 조회등록금 고지서 출력편입생. 8 years ago 618 와이즈유영산대휴머니티콘테스트 소개 영상 영산대 방송콘텐츠학과 해운대그랜드호텔 홍보영상. 와이즈유는 단순한 지식이 아니라 그걸 아우르는 정신으로서의 지혜를 강조하고 있다. 모델 학사로 졸업, 모델 지도사 자격증은 기본으로 이미지메이킹, 색채 진단사, 워킹 교육지도사, 패션 스타일링 디렉터, 컬러 리스트, 패션 관련 자격증 등을 취득할 수 있는 기회를 제공 12.

뉴진스 꼭지 Afp 1기 동문이 주최한 이날 특강에는 영산대 노찬용 이사장을 비롯해 afp 12기 동문과 3기 재학생 등 약 30여명이 참석했다. Days ago 부산데일리한국 이가현 기자와이즈유 영산대학교 방송사진미디어전공 성인학습자들이 대학 주관 공모전에서 최고상을 수상하며 평생학습의 저력을 입증했다. 모델 학사로 졸업, 모델 지도사 자격증은 기본으로 이미지메이킹, 색채 진단사, 워킹 교육지도사, 패션 스타일링 디렉터, 컬러 리스트, 패션 관련 자격증 등을 취득할 수 있는 기회를 제공 12. Days ago 부산데일리한국 이가현 기자와이즈유 영산대학교 방송사진미디어전공 성인학습자들이 대학 주관 공모전에서 최고상을 수상하며 평생학습의 저력을 입증했다. 대학일자리플러스센터 사업은 재학생과 졸업생뿐만 아니라 지역.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.